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Home My WebLink AboutJournal of History and Culture IIIIIIIMINIMIN SUMMER 2008 :,. JOURNAL RNAL OF -Hr- cTr A r■T D CULTURE NUMBEft 1 ISSN 1941-9082 1 ( 2008 ) VOLUM ......., — ,i. ..„.. ._„.. ' , - ..L- ,-'01.!...AMIN ,„. -;- :: " I'7 ,,;1 7; .g;143,,M.'46,,r-eavt '...-• mt; -•- 7-"V ' %sow w „, wros ,,,..' IA* 'w.54d.„,„.**-417,-,, , - f7 --, ' - ''''m°,..*-1.....--L- '''-•-•-• ' - l'' '''''' . 1.1'" " 1 1 • ' ''''''" p 1 I i I , , 'Y , ' I i - 1 i • 1 t":1.- -- • 1 I 1 ;LL .• or 4 .:1 k ‘ , s t , 11/4 i r i 'ii '4 74P*, i i 4 u '' '''VC• re ..,....., V • , ii . , , A "ilk — .4, I N.? ..., .. ...0.6„ - . ,, , ... :. .....4,,c n: - f _ . . ‘,„, 4?..,u., ,,,,::-,,,:,..,,t.::,,,r- --,,,,,:- :,,, x." .% .A...if.4., ..,44,, . „:Y4:!.r. .rt ...I.e.( - , 1,.,. 1,,.."4"?.94 -l "" . 41,1191...$,.9..API.'" ''''' "r." X" " 499.190::"" , -, " .. of History and School Preservation Institute for the Presery . tion of the Texas University A publication Prairie View A&M S of Architecture at Culture and the c _ - JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND CULTURE VOLUME 1 ( 2008) NUMBER 1 D E A N / S C H O O L O F A R C H I T E C T U R E �. w Ikhlas Sabouni, Prairie ViewA8,M University E X E C U T I V E E D I T O R Akel Kahera, Prairie ViewA8,M University A S S O C I A T E E D I T O R S Frank Jackson, Prairie ViewA&M University °•� Bryce Kennard, Prairie ViewA& f University Robert Thurmond, Prairie View A&M University A D V I S O R Y B O A R D , - Clifton Ellis, Texas Tech University Zain Abdullah, Temple University James Jones, Prairie ViewA&ji1 University Carla Jackson Bell, Auburn University Finnie Coleman, University of New Mexico Aminah McCloud, DePaul University Suad Abdul Khabeer, Princeton University Craig Ana, Southern Illinois University Margot Stephenson- Threatt, Tuskegee University Sherman Jackson, University of Michigan -Ann Arbor Ralph Johnson, Florida Atlantic University IN � `, �S TI1�� ti t i • r0 N ofHIS 0' The Texas Institute for the of History and Culture and the School of Architecture at Prairie View A &M University PRAIRIE VIEW, T EXAS WOY'SDIHdVNJ,L3I73DV3'MMM SDIHdVJID .L3I73DV3 ` NO.LSJNIAI7 - N0SII3A0D VAVW - 1I10AV7/NDIS3U 'S3AIHDIIV A1IViIgI7 NVW37OD 'g NHOI A.LISII3AINI1 LVOV M3IA 30 AS31.1IIl0D 3DVNII 1I3A0D EataautyJo Pa ;tun atp to pa;ut id (auquo) 0606 I - NSSI (1-uud) Z806 I% - NSSI Ere uogeagqnd- ut- $mBomeD ssaI uoD jo Aae.tgn npa •nurendagdtt ato • agdrr •MMM 9f7 sexa,L `Maio atatead 00I Z SW `6I S xog 'O d ;aaa .Lou & . 2utpitng ,(pauuax apply atdiatpeN Ails-13141M M31A at1! td H09 a ;mS `aznlaaritlaidJo IootpS a uuln� pue ,(.tors!H 3o uot;EA.zasa ld atp .IoJ arn;gsul sexa1 ao1aaatQ 'Q't[d `EaatleN Itetusl Ia�Iy was aq pjnogs satambul •aagsgqnd atp jo uotsstuuad ua ;rt.M assaadxa alp tp wotpiM tuars.Cs IEnatgaz ao a2Eaors uor;eutao /CUE ,(q .to `21.11p.zoaa.t `Jut.Cdoaorotld 2utpnlatn `IEatuegaauz ao atteartoata `SUeatu ,(ue ,(q .to .tauueuu .Cue ut pazggn .to paanpo.1da t aq CE u uorreaggnd site jo 2.IEd oN •panaasaa sr./2p IIy Atsaantun Wray Malik at- tte-Td re aanlaa1Na.1V Jo Iootp atp puE a ntr1nj pue Alors!H 3o uogenaasaad atp .zo3 arnrpsul sexaj aqj £q 8002 ©igJ!JA dop JOURNAL OF HISTORYAND CULTURE V O L U M E 1 ( 0 0 8) NUMBER 1 CONTENTS 6 Editorial Foreword, AKEL ISMAIL KAHERA 8 Ellison's Juneteenth, P H I L L I P RICHARD S 12 Control After Dark: Slave Owners and Their Control of Slaves' Intimate Relationships, or "Who'sYour Daddy," RON GOODWIN 25 Obscured in the Midst of the Civil War: Enslaved African Americans at Camp Ford, ALSTON V. THOMS 50 "White" and "Colored" Voces de America: Race, Power and the Rhetoric of Dominance, DANIEL HERNANDEZ 62 (Re)Thinking Diversity: Resisting Absolute Knowledge in the Design Studio, AKEL ISMAIL KAHERA fi tp `� 9 am `,(Iteuid • Jo2u pue aaualaduoa len ;aaiia1ut a ;ouoad 2utnut;uoa aiigm anssi;xau ay in gaueasai Jo sapou a p $uipuedxa o; p.zem,xo j aloof aM •digsitiotps o; uoungt uuoa lanou a ivasaada.z aunlon sup to s.Cessa aqj •sagag3sar adegs osle Tegi saa.toj ie.znlina pup !epos 3urTiodui .zap ;o $uuoai aininn sapnume ai r uaao.zng saipogua ao2epad Ie.zmaaTirla ip Ieuouuanuoa gaigm Tualxa ay sauiupxa 1! •a.zttpaTupie ui ,CAisTanip pup aoaepad jo anssi ay salausanui Aessa pa togei oqm sueai.zaud upai1JV panplsua alt; jo sand atp uo sispgdua Trinauxed giim `spxad, `aapc!„.xeau paluaoi dump uosud pio3 dump Ria-TrmirAID aqi jo ;unoaap anpdt.xasap ,(Igai1 p sapinoad suotuuolsld •Ipnpinipui alp a;piagi! osir tiro a &n2uu! molt pup;s.zapun sn dpq of al.zomaueai ,CaoTeupidxa ue spnusuoa pue `sueam umo .tiagy .xoi siatpo iioidxa pue aapuiuop `autiap oT a$eauei pa,(oidua ant! ,CAiupunq Try SAM ago sa toidxa zapueu taH puma • usiluu.iaied paaeidsip jo SLUT Jo[eu aq aae aidoad pau iuoa gaigm ui— si!liMugo j a ;e1 3111. aLp ui « `aTelsa ap aq „— .zawseuz pue anpis j o sain t leaixope.zed a p sltelap uimp000 uo' •2uiaq Ie.zn;lna pup iepos snououo3ne ue se Ipnpinipui ay jo 4uaudoianap age uo sispgdua sit! uo Jay° am uo pup `q;noS ay. jo pot ai.zopuoo age qpi t u.zaauoa s,uosiiig uo pueq auo age uo 2ursnaoi `Ipuaalaun f s,uosiiig gdleg sassnasip sp.zegaij driiigd `anssi sup ui pa.znTeaj s,Cessa anu jo alt; uI . tpui; aqi jo suogaalja.z se span.usuoa leDITriod ganu sr are saurTuapi .tno gaigm o; ;uavxa age pue `Xapos uiglim saivan.us aamod spatial ;i moq pup paziueazo si a2paimoul mot! molts of 2uppas OSIP ate am `a2palmouay.tamod jo i(Joa p aqi Pan.t1suoaap ou aMn.us am SP `aiduexa ioj `oS •s2uiupau IeTin puu aligns aige.zaumuui 2upou5! snip `01pe4s 004 .to pro.zq ooi ualjo si as.tnoasip kzeugdiasip.taTui jo awls lua.zana age ;egg a.zeme ,Curti rpuatado snpour sip ,Coidua aM •ala `aimelan! ` gde.i2oa2 `Boiodo tpuu `a pa1iga ru `2.tu • io saugdpsip aqi 5u!sseduoaua apomauzpjj ATeugdpsipaaaui ue uitlnm paaao,zd Ilim pyjjo sans! vuanbasgns pue siq,l •uoissnasip a .xoi unioj p 2uipino.zd ;slim uopaaij aivapeae jo ;uids alp suielsns Try drgsselogas a2ranoaua o� sJoneapua jiff `p.reoq ,(iostnpp leuonpa agp 1..xoddns 211rul311m.tano gum pue `puiu ui 1u02 sup g14M •21ipuels.zapun ueuznq 2uue.zaua2(a x) pue Alnznuuoa alt; We2ua jo asodind aqi .xoj— uoueTuaunaop anisuagaaduzoa pue uourniasaad 3i1olsrq ' J(Jo ;silt le.zo •2 spogpau pue a2palniou1 jo gippatq a alei aaui of sauiidpsrp asatp puoAaq sanou Tai( `agoiqut,Cs AIlet;uaaod sr ivaudolanap ki uluuoa pue `arripan pie `anuina snouakoui smain 31.n3psui aq j • a.xttMinJ pue (.zo1sTH Jo uouenaasa td aqp aoi a;musul sexay alp jo uoissiu aivapeae ay jo lunoaae aale4 At `Ino tut as ui `snu uaudoianap Iun3a311a4ui 1pids atp o3 wuaut:iuuoa a su pazi talau.tetia ;saq sdegrad si `011f am ink puv tJolsrH f ivu.rno[agi jo anssi Ie.tn2neui age `sigh ui main jo vuiod ino VUIgHV)I •IIHYIISI 11)IV eloux o1 iirssaaaN ar11 j CDIOMDI 01 1dfIOIIQ1 do 5 ' J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E would like to thank the Brown Foundation, Inc. of Houston for their generous support, which has made possible the publication of this issue of the JHC. • 7 8 puazana21 a2.19 alp Aq pa' aidoad gom>p lariq jo dnoz2 r slap op zopd •.zooid apeuas alp uo gaaads E szanipp a l se pogs si 2uiuul2aq sAooq alp zaljr oqm `zaprezuns zoltuas psioez all jo /Lops alp si Lpuanaun[ •zauniinrd uzequm sr szolsaour a4rIpaururi Ions of Aijruij pur uiemy of uoszaurg pue `auzogpmeH `aw'pw jo aouessreua'j uEOizaurd alp 1110 q spualxa lr uo 1 pe.4 Om alp Ajzrjnoipztd — aznlrzalg uEOpaurd aDEZquza 2uopJij s op asuodsaz E si ypuaalaun[ aznponzps JC.Ian alp `s/CEM Aural u1 •uompri4 uropaurd jo snoipiquir uE ui paJr5ua £Lsnopsuoo Jps sEm all `uzsioippo .Czezapii siq ui urll ssaj ou uoipord sirs ui pErp sn puiuzaz sapou s `zpuaayaunj ssauanisnjJE peo.zq agp gpim 2uoj' •13y pun MOP 1s 14— uoipisoduzoo s pnou aqp rpint snoautzoduraluoo are goigm Jo autos— s,CEssa Aaria11j ajgE�izruza i; aqp. op LIE4uauzuroo 2uruun.I E aaiiJ saurip pe ptaz- jpsurij of zogpE alp uro rj saarssaur • japq asarp `uoipiprzp )ijo3 ueo4aurV uropj r pur `uioouri uregE.zgy `uos.taurg `uiemy jo sajduzrxa pur sVom alp 2uiogoa ajogm E sr aspdzalua s,uosHig apEuiurnjp aznlonzps pur auzagl ui ssaa2o.zd syipnou alp .oj slsod aping asaq j •ixap sdanou alp jo pua °Ig le urgeijE' ,Cq papnpui,Cpado rd alinb sou alp ui &maddE ld alp jo awls AzolisuE.r11ms •ssadozd ui )Izom jo Ire alp ssajagpauou sEq L $ uppn& jo Lanai 01.1 ,CpAgrpadns s1i alidsap —sn azojaq 1xa1 aq j u givaa1aun[ 'anal op am looq alp jo kiiun oiuE2zo alp zEUI Apueogiais you saop aouasgr ziagp `aoijipa alp jo s2ups arjp al gduroo lou pp al gnogpir puy •uoipotj jo asnoq pagsiuljun `1eaz2 syosijig jo zaluao anzp alp sEm„ ` zaprezuns zoltuas pur urunpiH puaz3n321 • jo AIMS s puaalaun[ `spzom srq uj •ldposnueuz 2ugmEZds pip jo u2 'piano aril o1 itzpuao si pnou pagsgqnd alp ui ieizapeur atp lErg san2zr uegeurD `zanamoH • sjanou aanp Jo aouelsgns alp papnpui aArq Arm goigm `ldposnueuz a2rd- pad4 puesnorjp -omp E urozj ualrp uaaq srq looq ag •ajogm Leuoipou lualsisuoo t aprazo o1 zapzo ui pa2urzzeaz put ino uaaq anEq ldposnuruz alp jo sluauzap :alajdurooui si `pi anEq mou am sE ` ypuaaraun[` pnou •uoipoadsui zoj ajgissaoar k[ sra mou s! AlingoE Azezapij s jo gonur `AIA par sigl jo pjnsaz r sd •Ianou aqp zoj alozm uosiijg rip s;dizosnurur pue sou snouiuznjon alp urozu pajjno `puaalaun[jo uoiszan r osir lnq `sapols pzogs s‘uosifig gdIe j Cluo you pazalp2 seq aq `szea ( mai psEj alp ui •altlsa agp ui wom ag1 ajqurassr op urgErlrp uqo f palsr `uosijig ,Culled `mopim siq `17861 ui g1E s,uosijjg .ally •)pom paptzogEp \ 4Cjjn3 azouz E Jo oszol anipsa$$ns ,Cilpq alp ,Cjuo si— urnasnw gsippg alp ui sajgzrw 1112Ig alp jo auo an yluanaun j s‘uosijjg IdLE N SQIIVHDIU 'LEI dI'I'IIHd H.LN3��L�Nf1I SNOSIZZ1 9 N Il Z 7 I] J C I N V A N O I S I H AO "I V N N II O f � E . J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E Alonzo Hickman have attempted unsuccessfully to reach Sunraider and speak to him in his Senate office. After the shooting, the stricken Senator invites Hickman into his hospital room. The meeting between the two men serves as a frame for alternating monologues, monologues which eventually tell the story of Sunraider's youth in the black community In the course of these biographical narratives, we learn that Sunraider— raised as a black —is the child of a white mother and an unknown father. In and of itself the narrative evokes a number of themes from African and African American literature. The relationship between Sunraider and Hickman evokes —as Ellison observes in his notes —the friendship between i • Huckleberry Finn and the slave Jim. The inter - racial mentoring of Juneteenth also alludes to the relationship • between Isaac McCaslin and the older black figure of Sam Fathers in Faulkner's short story, "The Bear." In the essay, • "Twentieth- Century Fiction andThe Black Mask of Humanity" in Shadow and Act, Ellison observes, "Significantly, the mentor of the young hero of this story, a man of great moral stature, is socially a Negro. "' The Reverend Hickman is in the tradition of Sam Fathers and Jim as black moral mentors to young white boys and the embodiments of wisdom. Unlike Isaac McCaslin, Sunraider turns on the traditiop and the community of his mentor; however, Ellison's account of Hickman's relationships to Sunraider is, in some sense, a rewriting of Huckleberry Finn and "The f. Bear." 1 The evocation of characters such as Jim and Sam Fathers point to what Ellison saw as a moral symbol of value in the high tradition of nineteenth- century American literature.' For Ellison, the emergence of the black as an important symbol of moral value was particularly important in periods of crisis such as the post -Korean War period and the onset of the Civil Rights Movement. Ellison's Juneteenth is set in the period of Brown v. Board of Education, the period immediately before the Civil Rights Movement. Implicitly, Hickman a representative of the Old South— represents an amalgamation of folk motherwit, millenarian Christian hope, tragic acceptance, and faith in human brotherhood, all values which he has held out to Sunraider in the boy's youth. And in the truncated account of Sunraider's accession to political power and his acceptance of racist views, Ellison creates a striking image of a radical individualist who on the one hand has turned against the truths of his own youth in order to satisfy his desire for glory. However, in this sense too, Sunraider represents an important tension within American 1 culture and within Ellison himself. To a large extent, the conflict between Hickman and Sunraider represents an unresolved conflict within the racial and cultural thought of Ellison. On the one hand, Ellison has always been concerned with the folkloric a` work of the South; on the other, he has stressed the development of the individual as an autonomous social and; cultural being. It is perhaps for this reason that Ellison was so continually drawn to the figure of Huckleberry 9 �,,. 414: r kjx3' 0 i uoisua1. puE /C1.n iquIE 1.sadaap alp sdEgzad si ;vim aniosaz o1. sliE 1.nq sasiEZ ,Cppildxa ipuaalaun[ `iiE jo )Izom E sy •400q arp jo uopoE aip ut gizoj 1.as Xilni 1.ou si IE,Cpzxaq sup Jo uoppuEidxa oi1.EUIEZp 3111. `.ranamoH •uEUnIaIH jo 2unpEa; arp pauopuEgE `ai11 s111 ui 1.uiod autos 1.E s q z3ptEZUns lap .Irmo SI 1.i •dE2 am;E.uru ;uEDTJAs ,(ipEln39. nd E SI LuSTDEI O1. uzn1. mapTE3uns .Io3 uogrituom ogIoads E jo 3pEl 3 111. `uosraz Sup z0j • ain1.lno pa1.EUZE2IELUE CIIEIOEZ E ui rpziq s alp SkEZ1.ag poigm `uispri urDpatuy uE S3rlgdu13x3 .Iap!E.Iuns `looq alp Jo )pomaUUEZ3 IEOUO2aIIE 3111. utlp1M •azopllo loElq Jo saiazaua alp paq.zosgE ,CljEonuo.I! sEg uispe.i Jo azn1.ino u.zalpnos alp uana 11oigm ui AEM arp smogs Ianou atp `paapui sill ui ipnos alp Jo ppom IEunmmoo snot2tla.1 zaippa alp £q pa1.unEq • IIi1.S sI -LIOI2 umo Sni zoi .Iamod 1.ggnos SEq O11m z01.E1.13s 1SpE.I E uana- 1apTESUns •urSljEnprnrpui oigdiEUE Jo saslttduzi uEnzosillg 3lp jo uoissazdxa punoiozd azoul uana uE si uzsioEZ s,zapiEZUns sdigsuoi1.Elaz alEUtal • -apt!! & pagmaa.ij pup `sanlg 3p1. Jo a.znijno zEinopuzan alp `digspuapj pool/Coq `Xz1.siu to aqp `gamy Jo si(E q of anpougsip umo s1.i g1.im ppom pa1.E2aAas u.xa pnos zailzpa uE `zahoazoul `si To 3I°Eiq arp jo azagds' s puaagaun[ •k nmututoa lam .Io ppom snoi2ilaz iEUnutuzoo 3qi 31.ElnopzE o1. pasn si azopllo3'pptq pEaisui •IErllaaip ;ut' prig 2unoX E Jo punu 3111. 2uidEgs ` aouauadxa iEdAlagoJE Jo Apoq E ,(Iduiis 1.ou a.zag si ¶oj IpEiq alp jo ppom att •puaalaun[ui Aplupzj n pawls si IEnpinrpui 3111. Jo ppom 311p piEmol aauaJEniquir s uosiilg SCputogiudis •uEUI punodzapun s Jo suoi1.pE $ur1.EaJap - alp 3dE3S3 zanau rum uew aigisinut alp 1.Eg1.,Cultgissod alp sl azaq j . uo!pr IEZou1 snouzouo1.np Jo ppom alp ui paziitaz .(Ia1.alduzoo aq . Ianau 1.ggiut ,Czoisiq jo ppom .IatpEa alp ui pa1.ElnuznooE utopsim pup aJpalmoual alp 1.ELp ,(1.iligissod alp am am •uogoEui Jo aout1.daDDE oiaEZ1. E Jo 1.ui11 alp `uoi1.Euzagiq mtag -a p -3pEj ui `si awl!! •a1.rutppui s! £zo1.srq azn1.nj u! Ras sup uzoij a1.En1.u5na !pm 1.Eg1. uouar repos pue Ipoi1.ilod !rut! 3111. `.zanamoH •ppom punoaaIapun alp Jo aznsiai 3111. unpim paipn1.s aq 1.qAut oisnui 3loEiq 3o spunos 3tp put azn1.ino peiq Jo s1.opji1. -E alp azaH •azn1.n ag1. .toj suoi1.EOgduti s1.i ui a1.unjapui s!- uouEuzagrq Jo ppom alp -ppom repos alp ui aDEid IEug asogm k1!JEuos1ad E sadEgs aouauadxa IEOU01.Sni SN •tusgrUOt1.tN prig gum. S1.oE1.uop put `A1.'Ed 1.siunLUUZOc alp `uzai -' H `a2alloa loElq uzag ;nos IIELUs alp 6 1.I3g laEIg 3111. Jo sppom arp ui jps alp jo 2unitLU aLp o1. ppage siooi SCprreaTJiAs `un`y aigrsreuj •1.u3umoui IEOp01.sig IEOt1.r to E 2upuo ijuoo stenptntpur Jo sapo1.s ase tpuaalaunf pup uvif a[grsreuj ipoq SCpupoulu2is •A.io1.Siq Jo ssa i ozd 3111. ui saauanbasuoo u33S3z0 jum 3AE11 ;gbiui Trip piraplim aii1.E1On E aLUES 3111. IIE sum- azn1.in3 uropaury alp pue-isp..re up sE jiasuzig Jo uo!Tdaouoo s o1. re.uuao zanamoq `uts!TEnpinipui •,C1.1unuzutoo ouoplloj loEiq uzaipnos aLp sloE1.1.E 1.ELp uisioEZ E o1. umEZp 2upq 3o IEi1.ua1.od alp sEg ssaialpzanau air uag1.(a ioplloj prig Jo ppom IEuMLUUmoo 3111.3o ualE1..Ird sEg ogm) 1.s!JEnprnipui reo!pEZ alp Si zapiEZlnts ,Ii `zanamoI I «(zo1.izza1. aip zol 1.fO 1.no Oqm �IonH si ssilg pup ,sir, si LIEUDp!H,, :Ianou alp Jo 1.oa[gns alp uo a1.ozm uosillg 1.pLp saaou alp 3o auo ui aouEZEaddE 1.uu1.zoduzi uE smell! uui3 `XpuE1.zoduti •uoipt; siq puE s,(Essa sill Tog ui uuu S a n .L a n o U N V A L I O I S I H 10 i V N a n o f • • • • �ry ;�a J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E in Ellison's thought: the way in which the pressures of American individualism may lead to a radical betrayal as well as a fulfillment of black folk tradition. This tension is exacerbated by the fact that Juneteenth looks back to an older world of segregation, the world of the Old Negro. In this world the cultural truth of a racially amalgamated American culture is paradoxically more available than it would be in a later Black Nationalist era of the sixties and seventies. Despite the terrors of lynching, Hickman lives in a place and time in which the black church ladies may have frank personal knowledge of the sexual background of a wealthy white woman. And it is a world, in which the imaginations of young black men are partially shaped by the travelling circus and the world of the frontier as it appears in movie Westerns. Ellison was perhaps American culture's most articulate celebrant of its multicultural roots. Indeed, as some critics have already noted, Juneteenth is flawed by a sometimes, programmatic celebration of the author's myth of cultural explanation. At the heart of Ellison's dilemma was the way in which the truth of a racially mixed culture might be conveyed from generation to generation in a fluid highly individualistic culture. It was those deep impulses toward autonomous personhood — impulses that drove Ellison's highly eclectic, cosmopolitan, and wide- ranging art —that found themselves stymied in the life of what he himself celebrated as American literary tradition. This great writer's moral struggle was in many ways the struggle of American literature with the question of race. In this sense, Ellison may be seen as a distinctively brilliant ethical consciousness in the tradition of Twain, Hemingway, Fitzgerald, and Faulkner —the tradition to which he so often alluded. To the writerly excellence of Hemingway and Fitzgerald in particular, Ellison brought the spiritual and existential truths of the African American experience. Reading him, we see the ways in which African American writing may be read within as well as against the American grain. E N D N O T E S 1. Ralph Ellison, "Twentieth- Century Fiction and the Black Mask of Humanity," Shadow and Act (NewYork: Vintage, 1964) 43. 2. Ibid. 32 -33.�� 3, Ralph Ellison, Juneteenth (NewYork: Random House, 1999) 362.' � }t �3 r 11 • ry. 6 C 5 9 � T.. 4{ Z 'Clad!! Isom rum pup 'uaaq anal a.zaq; ggnoqi uang loa[o1d sanrnmioN anois alp 3o spioaaz'u.ro alp ui paluwsazd sr sane's aT{ jo sanuaadsiad ago urozj pamain are spogiaur asaq j •k,j!geis Aiiunururoa pup Iernurej urelureuz pup 312310 swirls Aq lzojIa kip ldn.zsip (2uipaaaq aneis puE 'ppE2uoa ienxas 1pilli 'sa5rralrur paa.xoj 'a'durexa .ro j) sdigsuourrai heIunionur puE suoprxedas iri'iuiEJ paa,xoj q no.ap sdigsuoprpz aIEW!Lu! asogl 2ui'louuoa ui siaumo axe's stxal ,Cq pasn spoyauz ay. saururexa .laded sigy Isep .raile sdrgsuourpi a1eunuui _nay owi put swirls jo .zogri aqi puo,Caq papualxa iouuoa sitry .sand sanris ay. jo padse /Lana'ouuoa o4 i4izoq;nr Iaal ay s.taumo 3AEIS anEJ A.rwnE'S • a.zrulrra pup sand umo .riatr; adEgs .ziag; ui paliuzi' a.zam saneis SCiirrn;tN •iC.raneis jo AmtrgiEq age uiqum way 5up(jirm zo;ruiuzouap uoururoa ay. aq ssau)lariq _nay. punoj Aag; worm Jam) `uaaq anrq Amur sagi.0 asotp luSanipp .zanamoH purl anueu uio r3 SUE .ro sagi u .relnai i.nd grim saxiasuzagT pwrduuapi ssa'agiauou surai rjd pa nuara jo uogr.zaua let;iui ay. 'zaq ;our auo grim 3aruma paa.zoj ui sanpsuraq; punoj ,Carp ggnoqp uang •surolsna repos pue snor2ga.z Jo Alauen r paauau.zd pup spaieip ivatajlip aIods sanudra asatrp'Eai.utijo spare leaig e.doa5 snoiren wag 5uiu o •sanudea rreai-r3V velq jo FAILLE iui ;iu? ay qum sams pa4rup ay. rii ue2aq uza2sJCs sigy •4i ai.r taai'go 'C'ie paaisap uzalsAs r ui A4-1.4 ..natp uieiureuz o; paPn us slae'q 'sdigs anris alp jo "EMIR age grim 5uiuu •,C.uunoa sup ui ,Clirur3 laeiq age lsuie$E pad ruzuroa saupoire alp puu AIDAPls Jo A.101.siq alp uan15 5uigsiuolsr si 1u3uido'an3p e trans •sauiunuzuioa algrls ,Cplruzu'n pup 'sailiuiuJ pa' gaigm 'sa5Eiz reur 1priq awls jo 4uauzdopnap aqi uodn luapuadap Allogm sEm A IDAEls Jo yEUr ralje alp ui a1ru'na DAE'S rum aA Pugsip E jo luaurdopnap £.reuoun'ona atrZ uoringrusur 1Drinoad agp Jo sawanza age zapun paza�ns ogA4 asogp f anrloadszad age urozflipar.ns sr snoof' ap 'panzasazd uaaq anog spoon uorw uvid kora augur •ssauaArsagoo puD inprgms .firunururoo puv [Dip urn urour puv awazo of saADis .fq 1durano Xuo 7dnzsrp of sanois fo Surpaazq atp puv szornogag [onyx lrorlir saBouzour paozof fo asn szaumo aADis soxaj BIIlrzrulDxa ur 5 0E6 afpf sanue.uEN anris agi sasn zadnd srgj •sdrysuorwolaz aivwMur saADis panlonur pun ¥lop za0 paunaao lonuoo szaumo amp avfo aspzaxa o uog Isom alp 4gon& •sanols zpviq zano pa1zaxa lonuo3To wadsv auo lnq sr szaquraur.flrurof' fo uornmodas aye `.ranamoH •zaumo aADis dtp fo rurgm age 7D siaquzaw ifiruzofazour zo auo fo u apfo ifirugrssod ap tprm panri iaunnoz saADis •1run lorlrurof awls ap fo ssauanrsagoo agp paAroAur saADis zpoiq Afq paoof aBuallorp zsaBBrq alp sdogzad pexisgv NIMQOOO NO1I XppvQ anoos or ,, .ro `sdrgsuopvjay alvtupulsaAVls Jo lo.r1uoJ .rragj puv saaum° aAvis )RIVQ 2IH1JY -IO2I1NOD J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E continue to be, numerous and consistent criticisms of slave narratives as factual primary sources, they nonetheless represent the best evidence of slavery from the viewpoints of those whose very lives could end on the effectual whim of another. Still, historians must acknowledge that former slaves had been trained to misrepresent the truth. "They suppress the truth rather than take the consequences of telling it," said abolitionist Frederick Douglass, "and in ' doing so prove themselves a part of the human family. "' However, a careful review of the Slave Narratives illustrates similar experiences throughout. Even if ex- slaves hesitated in telling the truth, as Douglass remembered, the commonality of experiences should be confirmation enough that the Slave Narratives are valid as primary sources. In Texas, evidence suggests that the institution of marriage was a constant source of frustration for the i black family during slavery.' Since slave marriages were not legally recognized, the master was free to sell any slave 1 he owned as well as separate family members in any manner he desired. Nearly twenty percent of slave marriages were destroyed through the sale of a spouse. As a result, black female slaves formed intense attachments to their children and prepared for the inevitable day when they would be left to raise them alone. Nonetheless, the selling of children from parents was also commonplace, as much for the economic benefit as for the measure of control it allowed the master to exert over his chattel.¢ i It was also not uncommon for married slaves to live on separate plantations, even though many owners preferred their slaves to marry on the same plantation.' In Texas, former slave Lucinda Elder told her WPA interviewer that her father lived on a plantation adjacent to that of her and her mother. Still, he was a frequent j` " visitor to their plantation, as she recalled that he, "come to see mama on Wednesday and Sat'day nights." In regards to marriages, Elder also commented that slave marriages were often informal when compared to the Depression - era definition of marriage. She said, "Dem days dey don't marry by no license. Dey takes a slave man and woman ‘k ' <, from de same plantation and outs `em together, or sometime a man from `pother plantation, like mama and papa. Mama say Marse John give `em a big supper in de big house and read out de Bible `bout obeyin' and workin' and den dey am married. Course, de nigger jes a slave and have to do what de white folks say, so dat way of marryin' `bout good as any. " If the slave family unit did belong to the same owner, it still did not prevent them from being sold as a unit, individually, or in a manner similar to the selling of livestock.' Former slave Anna Miller said her family was sold ,s as a unit from Kentucky to Missouri.' However, former slave Josephine Howard remembered how her mother's owner decided to relocate from Alabama to Texas, which resulted in the permanent separation of her parents (her father had a different master). Howard said, "One mornin' we is all herded up and mammy cryin' and say dey gwine to Texas, but can't take papa. He don't `long to Dat de lastes' time we ever seen papa. 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" Such penalties reinforced the hopelessness felt by antebellum black males. Furthermore, for black female slaves it established the dynamic that the desires of the master superseded the desires of the slave husband. Nonetheless, evidence still suggests that many white males in antebellum Texas took sexual liberties with black female slaves without fear of repercussions. In Texas, former slave Rosa Maddox remembered that it was not uncommon for white men to be involved in illicit sexual affairs with female slaves. She recalled, "White man laid a nigger gal when he wanted her. Some them white men had a plumb cravin' for the other color. But Master (Dr. Andrews) was a good man and I never heard of him botherin' any nigger women. But they was some red - headed neighbors what had a whole crop of red - headed nigger slaves.. " is Former slave Mary Reynolds also told a story involving her former owner and black female slaves. She said, "The niggers knew that Dr. Kilpatrick took a black woman as quick as he did white and he took any Ion his place and he took them often." There was one instance on the plantation where Kilpatrick's slave children got into a confrontation with his white children. The argument, Reynolds said, ended when his wife threatened to go back home to Mississippi. From that point on, Reynolds said Kilpatrick made sure his stave children kept a safe distance from the main house away from his legitimate children and family. The fact that Reynolds intentionally tried to keep his illegitimate black children separate from his legitimate white children suggests that some slave owners were not so brazen after all, and may have even exercised some degree of discretion in their sexual liaisons with black slave women. Why would someone who legally enjoyed total control over everything and everyone on his property exercise discretion? To prevent the potential wrath of their wives! 22 The illicit sexual activities of the masters, not to mention the numbers of illegitimate children, caused severe pain and conflict within the slave and white communities. Of particular significance was the pain felt by white wives. Sources indicate that many plantation wives were often well aware of their husbands' dalliances, but oftentimes found themselves powerless to do anything about it. Not surprisingly, they blamed the powerless black females for being promiscuous seductresses, rather than blame their husbands. As a result, white women often resented young black female slaves who caught the attention of their husbands and young sons. Moreover, they kept a very suspicious eye on their husbands who paid far too much attention to female house slaves, fearing that such attention might ultimately affect their position within the plantation hierarchy. An example of this is found in the narrative of former Texas slave Jack Maddox who recalled how his master, a man he called Judge Maddox, brought home a "purty mulatto gal, real bright and long black hair what was purty straight." Maddox remembered that the Judge told his wife he bought this slave to help her do "needlework." 15 i� =' 9I sir! ane2 .tart &o axe's s sr' `u.roq se& ag _raw ira,C E pros ag asneaaq `.toms' jo uopisod jo pup! auuos p'ati i(jsnotngo .rag ;ouz s mojgatn?j `a.zotuaatp.zn3 „ auiEs Tutpjo uEUZ airy& u„ sem aq;Etp aluatput pip 4nq `.za ;sEUu sig se .zatpe sr! .414uapt ,Cppijdxa iou pip ogre aH •.zatpej sig jo aurEU alp jeana.z Sou pip atj ggnoq uana `a'Etu NITA puu trEUIO& anEjs Aaujq E jo 3anpord atp osje sum aq ierp main.raaut ddM siq ut pal.aodai molgaui)j uag 6z «tuatp uro.z AEmE aam jjas Janau p,Catp atw pro; puE `aauo atu paddels .zo Marl E atu iiq Janau Aag,L •poojq rtatp jo auo s‘i asnua `am poo5 sn1JE sum ,Cagy„ `pros `.ratpuji aumo stir jo spueq atp 4uaugeap siq 2utgt rosap uj you pip sanEjs .ratpo saaa'inud pa/Cojua A .xea a Ja .rE j j � D `;jnsa.z E sd •tuooz u &o stir purr pre pa�laom ag at „`asnotj $rq„ atp o; ssaaxE pa2uajjutpun urig pa &ojlu digsuopep r siq j •.ra4sutu sit! osje SUM xatpej sir! asnuaaq uorluluujd atp uo 3uauqua q jupua.ra pantaaa.z ag Tutp paTeaipur .ral.zej Moppup! uag pue 1a )..zeD o3E3 sanu's suxaj,..raut.rojjo matn.134ut alp to punoj aq UEa Aj!ureJ SE polypi". 2uiaq son's jo ajdurexa try j,CjituEj ` ;JEj ut `a ta& sanEjs auuos asnuaaq Jo `pant re s3st2olodE axe's A.rn3uaa- tpuaa;autu sr `aauaionauaq umo .ttatp jo asneaaq ,Clruej sE sanEjs autos lua.ri s1alseuz pip :pa�su aq ;snur uot3sanb atp `aaojaragj •spuEq pp!! atp ;ou puE sanEjs asnotj .toj pan.xasa.z Xjjunsn SUM 'la/to/wog `aaua.rara1 splZ 8Z •JClrurE j a4Etpatuurt .natp jo suoisua3xa sanEjs pa tapisuoa 'Clle.raua s1aumo anEjs sExaI 3etp ana a lips suer ro3sig sExaj Amur q notp uana `pa3sixa anEg ,Cum ua.rppga asatp jo Arum mog 2upEatput lCla2EJnaar uopE2uatunaop al q s.readdE a.zatp qp3Eun4ioJufl •s.raasuut a3igm Lq pa.zatpuj ua1pjitp anEjs IpElg jo aauaJEnadd 2utsia arp —E za urnjjagaauy sExaJ 2upnp s3uaurdopnap 5utlgno alp jo auo o� pa3nquwuoa osje ags `saan31ano jenxas s ia4sEur .rag 5upsisat ui papaaaans anEg Amu sgoDE j 4notp yang cz•uos E a.zog ,(jjenuuana ags urogm tprm uutu E `.ueuu a;ig& .xatpouu tpim ditjsuoraeja.r jenxas E 2u3EtuUmsuoa ,Cq saauEnpE lenxas s .rai.sutw .zag ,Clap o; ajge sum ay ietp paTeotput sgoae j •sa1Etu amtjm tpim sdigsuopEla t aTeutput aiEjndtuEtu o; kijunxas .rag pasn ags ietp matn.xa ;ut HdM .tar' aut.znp patjduzi sgoDE j lal.uEH anEjs sExaI .ratuao j `ajdtuuxa ro3 •a2u;UEnpE a3tu!Jap .riatp o3 ;i pasn osje ;nq ` lrienxas atatp tel ;ua ragui iamod alp paziudoaa.z ,Cjuo Sou sanEjs alma," IpEjq autos SCpua.lEddy •agAuw jpanaijaq ICjjeptur uEtp .ra&od atom pug sgAE's aJEtuaJ )JDErq Imp ajgissod ;r sr `.rana&opj 9Z 1E.raua ur UEuu a;ig& ,Cue 10 `s.ra;setu Jtatp JO S DUEApE jenxas ay. 2ufs!Sa.z Jo ajgEduoui sJCumIE 3sotujE a1am sanEjs a'EUtaJ )laE'q 3etp suEtao;sig ,Cuero jo uopisod atp 2.roddns Ajjuiauaa saArTe LEU gars sz„ uI rm. sa f ,Cary •tua, 31SE ; upip /Cat!! •uatuom .za$$tu ag3'Cq ua'liga ,Cluajd 4o2 uatu airy& moue! op j„ `paivaururoa aatp.znj pue `a.rnsEajd jenxas umo gig .zoj i(j1Eagpads anEjs ajutuaj .te'narlied sup pasEga and Jal.sutu sit! panatjaq aq lap 2utkes Aq papnpuoa xoppEw u jjnnjs at o;„ anEjs aJEtuaJ ADEN atp • !o .qEq alp Ina aJim s, a2pn j atp pies xoppej^' `uopE3uEJd atp uto.z /CRANE sum puEgsnq rat' uag& `,Cup pup get' .zag pamogs ag uopuauu alp A1JEtaadsa `anEjs a'eUZa j laEjq sup 3AE2 xoppEw uoquaue arp paapou Aja3Etpatutui art& a x n .t i n 3 4 N V x T I O . L S I H d O 1 v N H n o f ,s.4„ J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E mother and her children their freedom and sent them to live in Mexico for twelve years. While some children of these black female —white male unions enjoyed benefits uncommon for most antebellum slaves, some slave owners made the decision to sell their illegitimate children away from their black mothers and themselves —as soon as possible. In recounting his life as a slave, abolitionist and former slave Frederick Douglass commented, "As cruel as the deed may strike anyone to be, for a man to sell his own children to human flesh - mongers, it is often the dictate of humanity for him to do so: for unless he does this, he must not only whip them himself, but must stand by and see the white son tie up his brother, of but a few shades darker complexion than himself, and ply the gory lash to his naked back. " In Texas, former slave Mother Anne Clark's experiences were similar to those of Douglass. She remembered that her former owner, Captain Clark, sold his children borne to her mother, a black female slave. Clark declared, "My mama had two white chillen b f. marster and they were sold as slaves. " Clark's narrative raised the question of whether or not the offspring of such unions were intentional or accidental. Even though some of these children indicated that they enjoyed the paternalism of their fathers/ masters, the Antebellum histories of sexual experiences of many black female slaves were more often than not, horrifying. Evidence indicates that black female slaves were often placed in sexual relationships with men not of their choosing with the intention of producing children, as one might breed domesticated animals for profit. However, the ideas of slave breeding and the forcing of one slave to marry another without their consent are perhaps two of the most contentious subjects in slave historiography. Historians Robert William Fogel and John Boles, for example, vehemently argued that there was no such thing as slave breeding in any form. Fogel used economic models to disprove the existence of breeding, believing instead in the natural reproduction of blacks. Boles sounded the same argument nine years earlier, stating that the concept of slave breeding was nothing more than a tool of nineteenth century abolitionists to condemn the institution of slavery. Boles said, "There is no reliable evidence that slave owners as a general practice interfered with the sex lives of slaves so as to maximize reproduction. There is no evidence of gross sexual imbalance as one would expect had slave stud farms existed." Rather than focusing on the possibility of breeding as a cause of black demographic changes, Boles instead challenges historians to examine other factors. "Shifting labor needs and the desires of slave marriage partners, not calculating slave breeders, chiefly determined black population increase and indirectly its gradual relocation southwestward."' However salient Fogel's and Boles' arguments are, there have been numerous historians that have presented and supported a contrary position with regards to breeding of slaves. Such historians have argued that the practice of breeding humans as one would breed animals (to produce a desired offspring) did exist and the practice had the 17 3� F 8i sun Xjpuj aigE ;s pa;Ea_a `ssapgpauou `sanuis ATEUI `s2Er__EUi anAis jo uoptu�oaa_ jE2aj aip apEq_oj uotpist2aj Eutio_E3 q;_oN alp g2noq; uana ;Eq; punoj uEUi;n9 ;_ag_aH uEr to;stq SC.ianEis jo uopEuruiuxa stq ui 8 •2utuuEId anrsuagaaduzoa a2UP.1 2uoi puu `punos `pool st ;Eq j •apAa alp anut ;uoa puE uiatp paa_q puE amt.' !pm am uot;anpo_da_ Apra _oj ai! ;_aj auioaaq Our_dsjjo om; asat; uagm s.iEa,C maj E ut MON •putui .zano ,Cpoq 'spawn 1aq;o ur `2uo t;s ,CIIEars,Cgd ;nq 'Aram puE ;uapuadap ,Ctjuluau' aq o; aim asjr_ jjtm `aft stir _oj _Ear snopsuoagns ,Cq uazo_ 2utaq ags `2updsjjo ajEUI .za$$ru alp q ;rm auo •(iitm _aq sa;Etpo2au 'Jag ,Cg `.zaq ggno.u.p 'Jag q ;rm a ;Et ;o2au am) aigEr;o2au puE ;uapuadaput `3ias_aq aq o; _a14 gaEa; Iitm 2uudsjjo ajuuiaj atp q;tm auo agt•suoptsod aS_ana_ o;ut 2ut_dsjjo _taq; asre.z Iirm `,C2oioga,Csd ;uapuadaput E q;tm uazoaj 4 a2Eun ajEut _a22tu alp jo aauanjiut 2utaq sairtuar _a$$ru grog •ajEUi _a$$tu E siEaq .Iaq;o alp puE a1EUiaj _a$$tu u s.iEaq apulaj _a$$11.1 auo Ars 2uppom puu 2urnoiu uiaq; daal puE uiaq; uio_j i(mM Nem Ja5tu at; a am uaq j •saretuaj _a22iu Om; gpm sairUl .Ia22tu Om; paa.Ig :prEs aH •uoptsod ssEp.iapun;uauEui.zad E ut sIpEjq ute;utnul pinom Imp sanbtugaa; IE_anas Art o; aauatpnw stq paurofua gau,Cl •gau,Cd atiirM.taumo anEls snouiejut aip jo spawn alp ut punoj aq uEa ,C;tunutuioa IaEiq aq; o; ;uauir.t ;ap E sr 2utpaa.Iq ut • Iariaq pua_dsaptm alp jo joo.id .zaq;1nd �s •aanpo_d pInoa aqs ua.Ipitga ,Cq;jeaq jo .zaquinu aq; ut sem amen Apo aSOgm [runup 2utpaa iq E jo ;Et; o; a in;u ;s ut ajEUiej prig aq; paanpa.I 2utpaa iq ;Etp punoj uinEquauuu •pa;E_aua2 saa.inosaa atumouoaa at; uo Ap.znd pasEq Uia;sXs Ltessaaau u sEm 2utpaa_q `sa ;u ;s asaq; ui «Sa ;E ;S 2utpaa_q„ sanjasutaq; pa_aptsuoa Sa ;u ;S aAEIS aUiOS ;Eg; punoj uana uinEquauuEZ )ItIE_4 tEi_0 4SIH 9£ Tog .io `sanrm aidpinin qauout papnput lap saajrnud ux;xa panraaa.I « s.IaT2ru ,utpaa_q„ asatp `s;_Ed_a;unoa ajEUiaj _nay qq «uto.ij ua.tpjtga astu_ o; pa;uEm aq uEUtom 2unoA autos g;tm utoo.I E ur unq ;nd puE uEunpo ;s alp 4113 .1 pinom (.Iaumo anAjs) uuui y„ `pees oqm anEjs .1aui1o3 E pa;onb 1oasg `a_ouuaip_n3 u s_a22tt ‘ utpaa_q„ _0 « `s_a22ru ,utianuxl.„ « `uaunpo ;s„ sr umou) a_am s.Iapaa.q sr pasn sanEIS arum laEjq asogj •ip.ztq Injssaaans E _a;JE aauaasaJEnuoa _oj pot_ad papua ;xa uE puE A ;np l_om ;tgq papnput « ;uaui;Ea.i; jupads „;uq; pa;uauiuioa ; ;oasg « ;uauqua i; jupads pantaaa_ ua ; `satEjs .Iaui.ioj aq; uaiuom paa_q pajjua sawn ;autos `sajEUtaj ajt;.1a3 •sarirulEJ a2.IEi aAEg o; SanEjS _tag; pa2E.moaua puu a ;E_ anr;anpo.ida i jo anJEn aq; paztu2oaa_ s_a ;seal Ire Arret ;.ztn `uin uaads aip jo pua auo ;d •sanEis _tat; Jo sat ;tnpaE JEnxas aq; q ;tm pa_aj.za }ut s_a;sEUi s,CEm Jo A;ar_En E ui„ `plus ; ;oasq `paiagivauia}I ilaaenis ui ' aim's jo paauq AIM E 21Ii ;E3_0 jo Arm E sr osre ;nq `uotpjndod one's at; /quo ;ou Io..L;uoD O; 1USIUEg3aui E sr pasn ua ; SEA 2utpaa_q ;utp punoj ;;oasg Tried `aiduiExa _03 •Atunutuioa . awls alp uodn ;aapa IE;uauit.i;ap ;soul 3 N m i n a U N V A N O I S I H 40 1 v N N n O I r J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E with or without legal recognition. Sometimes these unions were by choice, but other times the master forced a union between two slaves as a means of control or for slave breeding.i Lastly, historian Lerone Bennett acknowledged that many slavery apologists deny the existence of breeding, but he believes they ignore the evidence from the slave owners themselves. He pointed to the numerous advertisements that listed black females for sale as "stock and breeding Negroes." Additionally, Bennett commented that most advertisements used terms that left little doubt as to the intended purpose of some black females. These included the following: "She is a number one girl," "This is truly a number one woman, "" Breeding slaves," "child - bearing women," and "breeding period. " In Texas, there is existing evidence indicating examples of slave breeding and forced marriages. Former slaves Josephine Howard and Silvia King definitely remembered forced unions with the desired object 04:i' roducing children. Howard said her master put her parents together resulting in six children. Likewise, King indicated that after her abduction from Africa and purchase in New Orleans by a man she called "Marse Jones," she was given to another slave with the intention of producing offspring. King told her interviewer that she had a husband and children back in Africa, but was still given to another man. She said, "After `while, Marse Jones say to me, `Silvia, am you married ?' I tells him I got a man and three chilluns back in the old country, but he don't understand my talk and I has a man give to me. I don't bother with dat nigger's name much, he jes' Bob to me.. " Likewise, former slave Sam Jones Washington also commented that his mother and father were placed into a forced union much like the parents of Josephine Howard. In fact, Washington said he did not even know his father. "I don't know my pappy. "Washington remembered, "Him am what dey calls de travelin' nigger. Dey have him come for service and when dey gits what dey wants, he go back to his massa. De women on MassaYoung place not married. " Unfortunately, the psychological damage caused when slave women were forced into involuntary relationships potentially lasted a lifetime. When she was interviewed in Fort Worth, Texas, in the 1930s, former slave Rose Williams still exhibited the mental scars of slavery and the lack of control of her sexual being, decades after emancipation. She related to her interviewer how her owner, whom sh�,referred to as "Massa Hawkins," gave her to another slave. Williams remembered being placed on the auction block and purchased at a mere 15 -years of age. She remembered being described as a "portly, strong, young wench. She's never been `bused and will make de good breeder." Furthermore, Williams said, "Dere am one thing Massa Hawkins does to me what I can't shunt from my mind. I knows he don't do it for meanness, but I allus holds it `gainst him. What he done am force me to live with dat nigger Rufus gainst my wants." After initially refusing Rufus' sexual advances, Williams recalled Hawkins telling her, "Woman, I's pay big money for you and I's done that for de cause I wants you to raise me chillens. 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The only uniformity concerning antebellum slave marriages and communities was that the slave owner enjoyed total control, even of the slaves' behavior after dark. By law, in Texas as throughout the South, slave owners were empowered to manage their property in any manner they saw fit and profitable. By controlling the intimate relationships of slaves, particularly female slaves, the master was not only able to satisfy his own sexual desires, but also manage the number and variety of slaves. As a result, Texas slave owners exerted control over the Antebellum slave community by purposefully influencing intimate relationships through forced familial separations and involuntary relationships such as forced marriages, illicit sexual relationships, and finally, slave breeding. • ti 21 zz ssaiBuoj fo finrgr7 a g1�o �salmoa aBorul �utx e!AHS i ^ ssarBuo� fo Lioigr7 ag1�o �sa�rnoa aBom� ssa b'uoj J fiorgr7 ag1�o �saunoa a8ocui MOTTnutx uag xoppE esog "r I • • i # . ^ .t 4- r e 3 N R Z T R R Q N d AN O .L S I H d O 1 d N N n O f ' J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E E N D N O T E S 1. John Boles, Black Southerners, 1619 -1869 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1983) 39 -41. 2. Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave (NewYork: Penguin Books, 1982) 62. 3. I. Winston Coleman, Slavery Times in Kentucky (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1940) 57. 4. Robert Liston, Slavery in America (NewYork: McGraw -Hill, 1970) 86 -87; FrankTannenbaum, Slave and Citizen (NewYork: Vintage Books, 1946) 77; Sally McMillen, Southern Women: Black and White in the Old South, (Arlington Heights, IL, Harlan Davidson, Inc, 1992) 12, 31 -35; Steven Mintz, African American Voices, third edition (St. James, NewYork: Brandywine Press, 2004), 124; Rupert Richardson, et al, Texas: the Lone Star State, eighth edition (Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 2005), 187; Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984) 61. The auction block was not the only form of separation that disrupted the slave community. In many instances slaves were transferred as gifts to family members. Other times slaves were transferred after the death of an owner. In both instances the disruption was experienced differently by men and women: women would loose their husband while the husband had to endure the loss of his spouse and children, since many slave owners did not separate the mother from her children. 5. Mintz, African American Voices 116; F. N. Boney, Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, and the escape of John Brown, A Fugitive Slave, (Savannah, GA.: A Beehive Press Book, 1991) 6. Also see the narratives of Will Adams and Charlotte Beverly, Slave Narratives, Box 4H359, University ofTexas, Center for American History (Hereinafter cited as CAH -UT Austin). 6. Lucinda Elder. CAH -UT Austin. 1 7. Mintz, African AmericanVoices 107; Timothy Dwight Weld, American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses (NewYork: Arno Press and the NewYorkTimes, 1968) 56. 8. Anna Miller, CAH -UT Austin. 9. Josephine Howard, Ibid. • 10. Thomas Johns, Ibid. . 11.Hagar Lewis, Ibid. 12.John Barker, Ibid. 13.Toby Jones, Ibid; Harriet Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (NewYork: Washington Square Press, 2003) 131 -32. 14. Jenny Proctor, CAH -UT Austin. Also see narratives by Walter Rimm Tom Holland, Harry Johnson, Silvia King, and Anna Miller. 15.Peter Kolchin, American Slavery, 1619 -1877 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993) 133; Lerone Bennett, Jr., Before the Mayflower: A History of Black America, sixth edition (NewYork: Penguin Books, 1988) 107. 16.Steven Brown, "Sexuality and the Slave Community," Phylon 42 (1st quarter 1981), 2 -5, 8 -10 (1 -10); McMillen, Southern Women: Black and White in the Old South 21 -22; Alton V Moody, "Slavery on Louisiana Sugar Plantations," Diss. U. of Michigan, 1924, 95. Joe Gray Taylor, Negro Slavery in Louisiana (Louisiana Historical Association, 1963) 19 -20, 232. It is entirely possible that the word "competed" is not applicable m the plantation sense, because female slaves were typically unable to refuse the advances of any white males. McMillan emphasized the notion that many whites males believed slavery meant ownership, which implied they owned every aspect of the slave, even their sexuality. Taylor found in his examination of slaves in Louisiana that it was not uncommon for white males to buy female slaves purely as concubines. Lastly, Brown found that many black women complied with the unwanted advances because they understood that any who consistently rejected such attention were likely to be beaten, sold, or both. 17.McMillen, Southern Women: Black and White in the Old South 23; Herbert Gutman, The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, 1750 -1925 (NewYork: Pantheon Books, 1976) 396 -99. Gutman found that during slavery and after emancipation black men found themselves typically unable to protect their wives and daughters from the unwanted sexual attentions of white men. He also found that white men often went unpunished for raping black women, even in those instances where the victim could identify her assailants. 18.Liston, Slavery in America 93 -94. ti 19. Mintz, African American Voices 121. 20. Jack and Rosa Maddox, CAH -UT Austin 21.Mary Reynolds, Ibid. Reynolds also told a tragic story of her Aunt Cheyney who tried to escape from the plantation soon after giving birth to escape further unwanted sexual attention. Reynolds said she was "just out of bed with a suckhn' baby" when she tried to run. However, the overseer tracked her down and encouraged the dogs to attack her. Reynolds said the dogs "tore her naked and et the breasts plumb off'n her body. She got well and lived to be an old woman, but... she ain't got no sign of breasts no more." Also see the narratives of Adeline Marshal, Betty Powers and Chris Franklin. 22.Mary Helen Washington, Invented Lives: Narratives of Black Women, 1860 -1960 (New York: Doubleday, 1987) 21 -26; McMillen, Southern Women: Black and White in the Old South 24. 23 • £ 1 9 P10 ay1 ui au 1A4 pun ¥on18 : uauroM uraymO5 `uall?yllDW• 15 •85 sl 11 sytrann(S unouamy `PFM `•9L =pp pun ano1S uxnequasue j-0s �6 “suope;ueld zeSnS eversmO' UO ,Crane ` ` C P °0 1'I :L0 -501 raMO0147 alp aroJg ` .4 ` autfag•6-1 '0L =pang puo (rann[S Elf 4lTmn3 2 au `ueugnD•gt, • £ Z I nuorsmo7 ur AJannlS oJBaN `.col,Ce1 Ls, u a3?& pue ueui urarp paaunouoid uarp pue `zppsmoozg arp zano Su?dum[ jo Luourazao ag; q no.nll oS aldnoa arp peq `a.m4duas, jo sa$essed ma a peal.Cjduns .ia;seui alp `algelrene seM zagoeaud pazoloa ou ua'M,, `pies aH •s;uezS?urun a ;cg& UIOIJ suor;e?zen ■Cueui g;?'°' u&op papueq sanlouiaza,a aSeuueur ueadozng plo uroz aureo « Aogsuioozq arp Su?dum[ • yo iau alp ;ecp punoj ueuralop ' 8S_L5 4.1nluay ur saurrl.frannls `ueuraloD `.L8I a1n15 zn15 auo7 ay.:snxal 'it la `uospzegot?I.9s, '0* I LL81-6191 5frannl5 unouamy `uulalo? 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BSCURED IN THE MIDST OF THE CIVIL WAR Enslaved African Americans at Camp Ford ALSTON V. THOMS ;i . ``.ACT ments and local histories attest to the role of enslaved African Americans in the construction of the stockade and the CivilWar -era Camp Ford prison camp located in Smith County, Texas. Captured African American prisoners -of -war ced by the Confederacy to labor at nearby military - industrial facilities and worked alongside locally owned slaves who been officially pressed into service at these facilities, while thousands more slaves continued in their pre -war tasks:,working : the agricultural fields and salt mines in the region. In addition to regular militia patrols, such terror tactics as whippi'>lgs and ;eF public excecutions were employed to maintain the docility of this enslaved labor force. Evidence of commonplace resort to such extreme tactics reflects a widely held fear of slave insurrection and suggests that the enslaved people of Smith County were actively engaged in seeking their own emancipation. The wooded east -Texas terrain near Tyler, which is the geographic focus of this article, has been home to many diverse cultures and been the locus of much in the way of human history. The era of America's Civil War saw the establishment of the Camp Ford prisoner -of -war (POW) compound, built largely by enslaved African Americans, a few miles northeast of Tyler (Figure 1). Camp Ford's military history is well documented, as is the Civil War era history of Tyler and Smith County.' With the notable exceptions of articles by Betts' and Gilbert', the roles of enslaved African Americans at Camp Ford are not well represented in the twentieth - century historical literature. Articles published during the Civil War by The NewYork Times' and Harper's Weekly' that reported on the history of and living conditions at Camp Ford make no mention of African Americans. An historical marker placed at Camp Ford in January 1963 by the Texas Historical Survey Committee a lengthy account of the history of the POW camp. It included a lengthy historical account about the POW camp, with comments about soldiers, sailors, guards, Union sympathizers, spies, and 6onfederate deserters; but nothing about African Americans.' Historically documented roles of enslaved African Americans were ignored altogether in the historical novel Camp Ford, and replaced therein by three entirely fictionalized black POWs who were portrayed as unusually talented baseball players.' As discussed in this article, there is no historical evidence to date that black POWs were ever held in the Camp Ford compound. The present article is a synthesis of historical information pertaining to the roles of enslaved African Americans 25 9Z `uz iacl uaiRIEa uE st ;uasa td ;E punoduioo uosud aq; jo aauapina puno.12 -anoge `pan.iasa.zd -Ilan /Cluo aq j 61 •(• puo z sain&j) ails alp jo !prim .zanoa ,(puasa id Imp sautd Tim pa;urid pue paar.z.za; SEM apislltg papo.za aq; 4 s0t61 ,CI.zta aq; ui • .[a;JEaiaq; S.tEaA 0L AI.itau ioj paui.t J puE splay Ie.nuInau2e op pal..ia /moo SEM poE.L; ua.utq alp `plod duttD jo astutap pats/ CO alp qpi& 8T •sleool Injaa.znosa i (q paJEnits a.iam Inlasn paUteuza.z ley sup .iagp pue s2ol aqp jo psout ;ugp s;sa2ns gatgm `pau inq 3.13M s.ia;_iunb 2utntl aqp jo ,Cur .i0 apElaops alp Tnp aauapina IEt.za;eui It o; paijj `.zanamoq `prod duie3 ;t suotpu2t;sanut IEO!JoloaEgoay L1 •sduito MOd a;E.iapaJuo3 .zaq ;o ;E pauaddEq sr `uosud aq; o; a.ztj ;as ,Clpa;.ioda.i oqm 91 SC.r;uejui .iaa;unloAotgO g ig* aq; s.taquiatu £q S98I 'Cinj ut prod diutD jo uo pnxpsap alp op psa ; ;u s;unoaau Ieauo;stil SI sanlasutagp pue `suutltnp `sp.zun2 s.iauosud pa ;Eq; loo;sanq aqp jo 4pt.iofEUm E pastE.z puE sdon IE.zn;Inat.du alp jo ;soul m312 S AEJS SLUES asagp zEMarp .za;JE pue `2U!.inp `O; .load 41 •apis4Lzpunoo 2utpuno.uns alp - Lua I SU D .Lamy UED!.IJy panElsua jo spa.zpunq jo _iogtl pao ioj aq; Jo pnpoid aqp `apEIoops 2o1 E utq;im pauiduoo a.tam .Caq j • S98 i Pur £ 981 uaam ;aq `s.iaziq;EdtuiCs uotuf ma E q ;im .iaq ;ago; plaq a.iam s1auost id 'CAEN put iCtuay uotuil 000'9 autos a iagm punoduioo MOd E o; pa;.ianuoo sem plod dump `.zeM !IA D alp jo s,CEp Apra agp ut dutuo ;uauipin.ioa_i u se pagsgqE;sa ,(Ileutui •PaPloJuii Alois p.tod dump agp ; .iapq jo ;suagp.tou saltut ma E SEM ;i stxa ;sta JO ;SOM ;notOn0.zgp put uot2a.i aq; ut aDJo .zogEJ IE.zn.i puE uEq.1n alp pa ;Eututop surNiauty uuot.iJy `aotA.zas ,C1t4tltui oput saint' a;igm jo uotpdt.tosuoo alp q ;iM z1 •uot ;tlndod iC ;unop Tuns aq; jo ;uao.zad of 4soui1E pa ;n ;r;suoo suEO1.z3uuy uraply pantlsug •sutauauty ol'uy Aq ,(Iltot;tlod puE AIltotutouooa pa;EUtUtop a.tam Sexal pstH puE Alunop gptuis `.IEM Itn!D uEauauty alp jo s1EaA Apra ay ,Cg punadlaQg (it zan tiiri YAI T suxaypt £2oloaEgDJy IEOt2OIoag .toj .ia;uaJ aq; Xq S066I pun aq; ut papnpuoo go.iEasai Ieouo;siq put SUOIVAEDX3 3o s ;Inca i pa; zoda i qdE i�ouout ;tq i 11 snxad lsv ur duroj o- siauosud 1 °M jrnr� fo suorw ardiawj IoorBolanyozy plod dump Burranooun gdt.douout 1002 aq; ut pa.ztaddu gotgm 01 « A;ttrptA puE prod dump ;t SajO' urapauty uEOU..gy Jo s s gpu,(s puE s;xapuop Itoi iO ;Sti� iapdego if O; UO!STAa.t E S;uas ida i alor;.IE Sti p JO .zapuieuia.x aq1 6 •q;nos aq; jo s;.IEd aagpo ut uoututoo stm sr `sao.zo uotun 01 aoua2tllaput paptAO,id .Clgego.zd put sadrosa uosud Sn0.zautnu ut pa ;sisse `cos 2utop .i0 Suazgp !roc)! aqp Xq pazt.io.z ia; put pa iEa j a.zam `;Uautantlsua papsisa.t ,Cage 4 001 os •)Ioo;santl sit Jo 'Tonal papuEgsnq puE `splag Ie iiipinot t2t s aqp jo psout paut.i1J `sagtlptj IEt i;snput- ,C.reptltut .zagpo ;t paJogtl osJE sMOd 4oeIq pantlsua put `sanEls molla3 `saTltuitj .itaq; `slenpiniput autos asogi 'plod dump ;t sllem aprIaops alp plinq `part ailp ut a.zagmasp .iogtl augnoi .ztag; 01 uoipippt u! `oqm 3 2I Il .L Z II U N V A N O I S I H 4 0 '7 V N u n o t J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E several feet high, along an outside section of the south wall. It likely served as an observation deck for the guards. Below- ground archaeological evidence is remarkably widespread and well - preserved. It includes hundreds of yards of slave -dug trenches that once held the log walls in place, together with dozens of prisoner -dug refuse pits and house floors. Archaeological remains and historical records pertaining to Camp Ford identify Tyler and Smith County as a headquarters for the Confederate States of America's (C. S.A.) Trans - Mississippi military - industrial complex. Many documents attest to the utilization of African American laborers at the ordinance and transportation departments, the armory, and at Camp Ford. Much less is known about the incarceration of African American POWs at Camp Ford. It is clear, however, that much of the debate concerning the exchange of prisoners 1n general centered on the status of African American troops and their white officers. Moreover, Camp Ford played a key role in the development and implementation of military policies regarding the treatment of black POWs. To better understand the experience of African Americans at Camp Ford, it is useful to establish an historical context for the use of slave labor during the Civil War and relate it to East Texas, and insofar as possible, to Smith County. Slave Labor During the Civil War The Civil War resulted in the official liberation of some 4,000,000 enslaved African Americans. As a labor force, enslaved African Americans represented a major economic strength of the C. S.A. After Lincoln's preliminary (September 1862) and final (January 1863) Emancipation Proclamations, freed African Americans also became an important labor force for the U.S.A. As the Union Army advanced through the South, several hundred - thousand ex- slaves, or contrabands, as they were called at the time, were conscripted to serve as contract wage-laborers. :' These laborers worked on cotton plantations owned or leased by white planters loyal to the Union, on public and military work projects, and as servants for Union officers. 28 As elsewhere in the South, slave labor was fundamental to the economic foundation of Texas. 29 With the onset of the Civil War, Confederate "field commanders began `borrowing' slaves from neighboring plantations, because the slaves would effectively release troops for front -line duty by performing construction and service tasks otherwise carried out by soldiers. " In March 1863, the Confederate Congress passed legislation that authorized military authorities to impress private property, including slaves, for the wartime benefit of the Confederacy. Throughout the South, tens of thousands of African Americans were pressed into service by the Confederacy to work in military encampments and build fortifications (Figure 4). They were also "hired out" by slave owners to work in ordinance factories, armories, hospitals, and on military transports. 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Jo ,.q 1.nq Vullilm os pip mows Arnie a1E.tapajuo3 alp 01 sanEjs apino.id 01 uodn pajjEa siaauEld `.IEM alp to Apra Jo 4 •,C tell lui atp; o; ;no mall 3.1p.1 inip iatpr i `suotrE.iado ,C.IElijitu , jo SEa.zE wag panouia i !pm SalEaoj 01 sanEjs .natj; E a x n i l n J U N V A 1 o i s t x a o i v N x n o f if,. 4' J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E of many white males and the immigration of "refugeed" slaves, African Americans likely represented at least half of Smith County's population. Certainly they constituted a significant labor force, as was the case throughout the C.S.A. The marked influx of slaves into and through Tyler was witnessed by civilians, POWs, and prison guards. The family of planter Kate Stone, along with 130 enslaved African Americans, moved to Texas from Louisiana in mid- 1863. By the fall of that year, Kate had settled with her mother in Tyler where they soon began to hire out their slaves to a "succession of callers" from the local community who "are all eager to hire Negroes. There is a furor for them. ' 40 In mid - December 1863, when Sergeant William Williston Heartsill was on his way through west 1 i Louisiana to begin guard -duty tour at Camp Ford, he wrote that "we find the road crouded [sic] with reffugees [sic], 11 f bound for Texas; with hundreds, and I might truthfully say, thousands of Negroes.' Of his arrival at Camp Ford in � � [ ° February 1864, POW Colonel Augustine Joseph Hickey Duganne wrote: ... at the time a caravan of wagons— forty -five in number —filled with negro [sic] families, was passing by the stockade, while its migrating owners, on horseback and in coaches, led their chattels into exile. I had encountered many other corteges and coffles on the road [from Camp Groce, near modern -day Hempstead]; for this lone star state has become a general refuge for the rebels now .... Reliance upon enslaved African Americans as an agricultural labor force was quite lucrative for planters who rented out their own slaves. Presumably it would have been more profitable for owners of industrial facilities to own rather than "rent" slaves. Nonetheless, local as well as refugeed planters, including Kate Stone's family, often secured much of their income by hiring out slaves. Among the frequent visitors to the Stone's home in Tyler were commandants and officers from various military facilities, and local businessmen. The rate paid to the owner• for hired -out slaves was $2.50 per day, or $50 to $75 per month, depending on the number of days a slave worked during a month. Impressed slaves were significantly less profitable because military commanders were authorized to compensate owners at a rate of only $15 per month and for no more than 60 days. With passage of impressment legislation in 1863, the official reimbursement rate for impressed slaves increased to $30 per slave per month, but politicians and citizens continued to complain about impressments. The Tyler ordinance plant had over 200 workers, including at least 57 slaves acquired through the Labor Bureau either at departmental headquarters in Shreveport, Louisiana or at sub - district headquarters in Bonham, Texas. The two armory sites in Tyler relied on labor from 85 slaves. At the time of maximum production, the labor force at the Bureau ofTransportation included 106 slaves engaged in the manufacture of wagons, harnesses, caissons, and saddles. Available records indicate that enslaved African Americans were conscripted and distributed as laborers 29 OE feuontppv LS •. 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JsaTEd jo tp.zou salmi Ipaanas uot;Enupid u uo uuoq `aauaeg g j tis'P a P unom atp .zoj sa2tpueg pa redo zd apeq ay. puE `ssud po w suaag pltnq padpq aq uatim aaj uotup aapun sum Iatpuj sp.! <uatuV UEOU ant sua .ta o aza a , uaptaaE uE uI at ue s om sE q p n o2 iCuz1 ;s a tlad po j uo�sae • 3d P I Ip tzb IS t IIIm I � . pall) I P � � �Cq E o I g d; pa�tzo� I D ; 2uas sE� aatpej oat' lap palaodaa `A;unoD EpozE.zg uI Uio `setuo sa sa, t pt �CaE t zuz ao sluarussaadult o q u`j{ IInId • � I ,I � I 2sa ;fie ogle TaafoId saanuM 1E.tapad alp jo 2..zEd SE pajiduzoa sant;E I tEU anEIS apppols paod dturp atp uana puE `n s `suoatm `stzn2 `uoItunuzu r J'unTEUZ ,Cq asnEa a;EaapaJuoD ay. papty AI2utlltmun ao ,gutlltm i(nunop trouts ut suEauautd uen.py pantisua ;utp papnpuoo spag 15 .•,CaopEj nrs E ut )Iaom 01. „uaapirtia pue `uatuom `uatu— sanEls op jo sdnoi ,, ao j SEM ;uauzaspIanpE auO •s.zadedsmau aap(j i.zodaz osir sum aopas altnud alp ui aogtj one's .zoj paau ati j os •snitls aa2njaa 02 p.zEJ'aa 3notpim panupuoa ssaadtut puE paautnuoa Sou sum .zapna&w IEaauaD •spxaj ui papas !pm aaam .Catp'pun s2uatussaadun won uzaxa aq pinogs Carp 3Etp panam `sanEls atatp tpzm 2'uoTE suxaj, o; paaNaa pEq otim `saanteid EuEtsino7 •papaau atom ,Carp aanaaatim 3 1 1 n 1 - 1 n o U N V A H O I S I H 3 O 7 v N u n o f J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E information about construction of the first stockade is contained in a letter from a local citizen, Mrs. Sarah Carter, 1 to her son serving in Tennessee; she noted that 75- percent of the militia had been "called out" and a stockade was s being built around the heretofore -open POW camp: They are now trying to enclose what we have with a picket wall 20 to 30 feet high. There has been one half of the negro [sic] men between 16 and 50 years of age called for. Your Pa carried 4 of ours to Tyler, but they took three there. The other will be sent to some other place." Gilbert estimated that within two days, about 600 slaves were called to Tyler as part of an official levy or slave -owner tax to build the stockade wall, a task requiring more than 1,000 logs. Given the pervasive concern for citizen safety and considering ever - present requirements for slave labor elsewhere in the area, it seems likely that the ability to call upon such a large labor force from so many slave owners and to use this labor force for more than • a week "is indicative of some official act as well as voluntary urging."' It has been suggested that Magruder's Labor Bureau took the,lead in implementing the impressment policy at Camp Ford and that construction of the original stockade was only a small part of General Smith's overall effort to impress slaves "for any purpose necessary to the Confederacy's military effort.. "G Wooster also concluded that construction of the first stockade wall at Camp Ford was but one element of the "extensive use" of Magruder's authority to impress slaves. Enslaved African Americans were also used to construct fortifications at Sabine Pass, Fort Griffin in the Beaumont region, along the San Bernard River and Caney Creek in the central coast region of Texas, and at other locations in the state. Former Texas governor Francis Lubbock, who served as an assistant adjutant general on General Magruder's staff beginning sometime during the 1863 -1864 winter, reported that strong defensive works at San Antonio and Austin already had been constructed by impressed slaves. In mid -April 1864, the stockade at Camp Ford was expanded to the north and east to cover an area at least 10 acres or larger in size. Based on measurements supplied by ex -POW Swanger, the enlarged stockade may have covered as much as 16 acres. Only six days elapsed between the defeat and capture of several thousand Union soldiers in central Louisiana on April 9, the completion of the new stockade on April 15, and the subsequent confinement of new POWs at Camp Ford. On April 13, the commandant at Camp Ford ... was ordered to prepare for the reception of 3,000 or 4,000 new charges. On the 15th, while hundreds of Negroes toiled to enlarge the Tyler compound, the first contingent of 1,000 bluecoats straggled in from Mansfield. On the 17 18 and 20 600 more shuffled in; on May 15 more than 1,200 were brought down from Arkansas; on May 19, another 490; on the 27th, 540; on 31 Zf •lUaugaEUaa• 900Z E 2u!.mp paseadde li se lied 32E3uaH plod duteD ;E utgED MOd papn gsuoaai H • £ a.in2T1 1 sa t '(Z a-in ?d `8:gi00Z suioij.i.) Z161 ut paluEjd asam puncu•23 eq aid ut saaq mild ag; !t98 j uT punoduioa MOd jo aae2 luosi all; uaaq aneq pinom LEgnt pue siaveui jeapo;stil s,ams aril. pseMOl la ./CBMgbiH •S•fl SSO_IJE JsEatp.nos 2UOlooj `•L661 ut paseadde 1! se plod dump •Z asna (i azAd `Z:gi00Z suiogy) sexajk unoj q uis ut plod dump jo uogeaoi ag-4 2Uge.usnjjt dew • l am2H iwno3 4mWS s spooM Aauid ® iliga `t OLi slop tsod I . PJOd dwe3 t 1 l it � y ,yyb °ut9es 3 2I n .i 1 n a U N V A N O I S I H 30 - I V N 11 n o t 4 , a 5.s J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E 7 ! Y• \ h.. 4 �. - -. .. ....... ij F I 4 ,,,, ,,,,, Ili . g ♦ M 4Kmea wwAaymtaAwt...,brrMC Figure 4. Civil War -era sketch of enslaved African Americans constructing a stockade very similar to the one at Camp Ford (original on file at the Library of Congress; this figure adapted from reprint in Wesley and Romero 1969:37) (Thoms 2001b:41, Figure 21) ' ca 350' CAME+ PCR0 i 't _ A _ y.� J x . vXe.• S' r A 4 14 4 U p O 1 Aiyor aetlrro+ � rt."Xtr xsei t 0 ( imb, • W ty +wlw, i ` f'i 1{px++1t1+ f1 _ 4 ca. 400' Figure 5. Colonel Duganne's sketch of the original stockade at Camp Ford built in mid - November 1863; approximate size [ca. 3 acres] and dimensions based on archaeological data presented inThoms et al. 2001; original sketch in Duganne 1865:378 -379 (Thorns 2001b:44, Figure 23) sr Figure 6. Sketch of the expanded stockade (adapted from McCulloch 1887:63) showing the dimensions reported by Swanger (1897) and the general location of the original stockade based on archaeological and historical data presented inThoms et al. 2001(Thoms 2001b:46, Figure 24). 33 i u � If� mai E —;seoa ulaq;nos aq; to .ani21 Iddississ1 atp •uoiE suoiE;uuid jjo ;Op pa;mloal a tam • iitg .tano„ ;Elp puE ! { 000`00Z ,C SEm alnd1 iE ;o; aq; lap pair plumnH LL •q;.toN alp tuolj uauipaa1J amam 000`0£ uEtp 3-mm puu sanEis -X3 alam 000 ;loge `pa ;anput atam SUED!I TUV u'at.tjd 000'08 ,(iaaem xolddE `,(ia;Etupip oL •sdooli paloio3 jo ntaing alp pagsgqu ;sa;uatu;1Eda0 -EMatp £98I J(A ui put Z98 T AK uT saainlas durea 2utuuojiad put s;uatugoua.qua 2ugan nsuoo ui suropauiy uraT.tjy 3o ;uauL(oiduia pazpolpnt ssal2uoD • S •p aq i 4 smog A xe1!I!W ut sueataauIy urai.IJV 69•sMOd o; Nos aq o; paugsap sum rip plod duiEj o; pooj jo prOjUO2Em E OAOIp DAETS 2una `;tmooat .TOgpouE uI S9 «puoi siq jo do; uo u1aq; papEOi I'gun dos uiiq appal i'2uoit atuta aq uagM•poom q;im uosild atp o; 2uoiu ssud pinom idea; uaxo put urtu 0.11aN pio alp matni aq alagm„ apisptol aq; o; situ. alp pai.Tuto aq pits uea-ptw • (apoomaltj) poom q;im plod dump ,(iddns o; dI u aul ;nol t 2upitut sEm um aq; i(pualtddd •duieo -mod alp ;E uigto mau SILT ;onluuoo o; ;no puq aq Tel ;lodsuElx uliq diaq o; s ;uao 01 Uuul pp UP pied aq ;rip a ;o.Tm kuutjui laa ;unioAonij P�£8 atp jo uua-Tarw •0 NNAPO itlodloJ 'pod dmED ;E sagingoE Alpo .IOj aigisuodsal osiE alam stttapatuy utol tjy pa irisug •plod dump ;E aptvo ;s MOd alp 2ui ;oala TIT pa;udpgltd ,(ia ;Etugin sueouauld utDUJ 000'1 ;sea' ;t ;etp Alan swam ;I ` ;aa[o.id ;slid atp uI pasn sitnpinipui 009 pa;euigsa alp o; pappE uagm ;ELT; pus `s)isE; I asatp loj pax nbai alam sands paipunq jElanas /Clams • (9 a' i) aprvo ;s maU atp uisitl put saLTaual;- 2ugooi mau . io ;aaj 00S Z uep alout Jo UO Entoxa (s) puu `apevo ;s alp .ioj s2o1 mat Jo spalpunq 2ul ; ;Iids put '2uglodsue4 '5uiuiuil-U'2ug;na ( -) `apEpo ;s paputdxa alp puno.E put TIItmm adEaspuEJ pa;saloJ jo sataE 0Z o; S i 2Tn1Eap (£) '.siitm Tinos put ;Sam alp 2uoJE s201 Jo MELT .iaddn alp „2uppop„ (z) `. siium LT ;lou put ;sea IrtiOpo a p uioij s2oi jo j I 2UTAIEii Put itnouial (I) :paiiu;ua loaf uogon.fsuoa puoaas ag i •aun; jo pouad la;logs E uitpim .ioggj antis Jo l? � ;ndul uana uE pai nbal aim! ;snui ;iojja uoisutdxa atp ` ;oa[Old uoppn.t;suoo TEui2!10 alp o; pa1Edutop L „.apuvo ;s alp 2ualEiva vi.Iom ;E are Saoa2aN Jo .Taquinu aalei E „ Imp a;olm Oq ,{,S I aq; up «ap apo ;s Iaire E m O; saol�a ssa tduii uE �(.uunoo a o ;ui O O a ie ;a a .iu da uE S un0 T mug N P � P i P � a g gS 't1A'j P P d 'I:L ` ; ;oIIEI M • f i •pauln;a i laAipaus •slauosild putsnotp lnoj .O aa.np .io aiEda.id O; slap() saATaoal UaTIV lop T • • UOOO samoo JIM [piaiisuEW ;e] ,CIO ;apt Ino Jo siiE;ap„ ;ET.p ;uauia ;E ;s alp PaPnpu? 6-1,98 i 'Et iildy .oj Aiwa `Z itumo[ s!H -plod duiED J•uiplen2 Tpim pa2.rego ;Iun lAUel S a M tpim laaujo pauoissiuIUtoDUou E `iiis;1EaH mraLas ,(q o; pa ;sane sI laplo;uauissaiduii Tempo ut Aq pagsiiduio3DE sem apeapo ;s alp jo uoisutdxa alp;utu 99u slauosild padEOsa gawp o; alai! ;d9 ag o; ale tianim ' [sa ve's padEasa ;tmq o; pasn spunoq nd sJ•op of aN jo aloud E„ `6 31.114 uo 'panple osie alai”' •08 I 6 9 Apt uo put !z91 `9 aun f 3 N Il .L l Il D tT N V A U O .L S I H 30 7 V N M n O E ,g''3 J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E ?.. even drafted at gun point.s In addition to their roles in armed conflicts, African Americans in the Union services ! guarded Confederate prisoners, built canals, and worked on other construction projects. They also searched for their still - enslaved brethren and drew them into the advancing Union Army. Frank Smyrl reported that 47 African Americans from Texas found service in the Union Army, along with 2,132 white Texans. In a more recent history of black troops in the Civil War, Noah Trudeau also used the figure of 47Texas blacks being recruited into the U.S. Army, but it seems likely that the number of escaped Texas slaves who served may have been significantly larger. Southern states where the Union Army came to hold substantial tracts of territory were among those that provided the most black recruits. As such, escaped Texas slaves may well have been among the 24,052 individuals who joined the Union army in Louisiana or the 5,526 men who joined inArkansas. Certainly, C. S.A. military authorities were worried about hundreds of slaves being recruited by the Union. When the Union Army took the southern Rio Grande Valley, regrouping Confederate troops were directed to ... drive all livestock herds, especially beef cattle and Horses suitable for cavalry service, north of the Nueces River. And the troops were instructed to leave no Negro men within riding distance of a Union recruiting officer. If owners refused to evacuate their able- bodied male slaves, the rebels were ordered to "take forcible possession of them, or in the last alternative, shooting them, for they will become willing or unwilling soldiers against us ". Indeed, Union recruiting officers in Brownsville soon set up shop and invited African Americans along with whiteTexans to volunteer to fill eight new regiments. Jacob Branch, an ex -slave who lived in southeast Texas and participated in the Federal Writers Project, confirmed General Smith's concerns with his statement that after the war started, "lots of slaves runned off to git to de Yankees. All dem in dis part heads for de Rio Grande river. " Martin Jackson, aTexas slave who was with his owner and the Confederate Army at the Battle of Mansfield, stated that "lots of colored boys did escape and joined the Union Army, and there are plenty of them drawing pensions today. " ti African American troops in the Union army participated in hundreds of skirmishes and 39 major battles, o• including the last battle of the Civil War, fought on May 12 -13, 1865, in south Texas near the mouth of the Rio Grande River. Known as the Palmito Ranch Battle, it was fought in part by 250 troops from the 62' U.S. Colored Infantry along with several hundred white troops.They confronted and were eventually defeated by several hundred Confederate troops, including 300 cavalry men under the command of Colonel John "Rip" Ford, the man for whom Camp Ford was named. 35 9£ pue luapuadapui ;sour„ air uauT asaq; ley paivauzuzoa aqs !Jai/CI, ui paureumaJ .zaq;ouz .zaq pue alp aiigm Jpnt 01 ,CiTuzej .zaq jo siaqucaul patueduzoaar mot sueapauni ueopjy paneisua omw anoqu awlm °sir auois a;eN dump ae paapiao1eoui Apuanbasgns aiam ssed auiges jo aiaeg aqi 2upnp paanadeo sJOiies align& aq,L 06 •apluq ;up Jaljp iplidsoq aql i pad'aq Added AW • • • • siauosud An pup paipunq -aaup lnogp pue (uo D] uoiullj Jauzeals agl Fool pup jjo saaluex uragl uei 2ui'moQ uieldej •2ui iij a tam saapt; asogl uagm n'JomiseaJq piing padpq Added AuI pup `ssed agl puapap of uam uaxas pet{ 2ugmoQ uiplduD 2111pupi E auuoi of sluoqua glint slaodsuerl uo sdooil puesnogl -ang lnogp lugs `sAuug `'EJauap aa3'uej aql pup `ssed auigps jo aplpg alp sum cn aaam Added pee aopd Jalspw apleq lspi aqy •s)ipomiseaaq aoj svap agl uo saieq uolloo peq goigm siauiUals uolloo p1O oml 1!A& saa)iuEIagl wag uolsanie9 JapnJ2uw •ua j•Ai'uui3 •diaq of paaaalunion pup pJen2Apoq Joj Added Am lool Jalseul pp .Tno `uolsanipD pappiooiq [slsiuoiun] Aagl uagq :pueuzuToo mapnJ2uw ieJauaD Japu su.5ipdureo snoprn ui Jaunt° Joj p.Un2Apoq u `Jaglej siq jo slio'dxa auTrpJem aql uo paliodai `sexaj ui uioq axe's -xa ue ` ually 68 •luoJj agl uloij saiium aauq; inogp « uopels pie -lsJT1 jo pup'„ e pauurm aq `aplpq aql 2u!Jnp `aaagm ppjsupw of iaumo sirs 2up(upduz000u paliodaa uom j upaew 88 s]iuexpupsnogl p lnoge 1ool pup UOM spgai alp pup `ApunJD asaew of asop paAels i jlggnoj Aagl moq `pJo' `uo pup uo aureo Aaq j •sn pa2Jpgo Aagl uagm ,uiopaaJ3 jo /CID ailleg, agl 5uus sIuu,Iagy„ :pawls aH •p.io3 dump of atlas Apuanbasgns puu painldeo aaant siaipios uonzn Aural 31agm ppausupw Jo aplug aql le JOLLA/10 siq JOj parn1Cpoq u se pan.as `axe's pp Jpak - 91 p ` UOSU J uospN L8 •paluatuaidUT1 aq p'noo uot;p'4ai mau alp aio papua arm alp `JaxamoH •sJaogio alignt Aq papueuTuioa sluauaaJ oJ2aN„ jo uogpziueaio alp aoi pans' wan& suoip'ndai pup « `Joioo • 'o anipoadsaaaT„ `uaui paipoq -alge 000`00£ • jo luaulanuaai alp 2uiziiogin-e sasnoq •y•s •D gpoq passed IIiq p `S981 'El tpaew up •SJaip'os upoiJaUTV LIEDI.IJV40 uoilduosuoo aleipauTUTT agl jo JonuJ ui pan2Je •g iiago21p1auaD `sluo13 iiu uo suoilipuoo 211ivaSJOm Jo lqii ui pee X98 i ales Aq `ssaptpouoN 98K uorlopJsilessip pup AlieAoisip„ ui aseaicui pa)iaEUI u spm aJagl `£98 i pur Z98 1 ui suoileurepoid uoTlpdpueuzg alp Jal a lnq `slueAJas panpisua Jiagl pue saaumo uaamlaq sdigsuogepJ pool Inge slun000e snoJaUTnu DIE aJag1 •sluppualle se anJas Ol luOJ alp of magi glint sXoq pue uaul paxeisua s.aougo alu.apaJuop `A'UOUTU103 3.10W 5 . 8 • puourgcn i ui lien asuaiap -pool a se paAJas goigm. JO auo `pauuoj aaant saiueduiOo m3J p A'110 lnq `S981 goJEW ui supoi.IauWy ueo!Jjy paxuisua pee aaaj 3o uogd!Jasuoo atp pazuoglne a.nle'si2a' piu4!A ag 4s 1981 Sp A'Jea Se paJJnop° sail `EUETSmo'i u' •AufJy alEJapajuoj alp ui panIas AUaIaq os'p sueai.Iatuy ueo1Jiy s x n l 1 n o C I N V , L 2I O 1 s l n J O 1 V N x n o f J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E consequential" and that "they speak very learnedly of their furloughs and have wordy debates on the subject of rank " African Americans POWs Much has been written about the treatment of African American POWs during the Civil War but details are sparse and readily available records are notoriously incomplete. We know that some statements issued by the C.S.A. civilian government and military authorities recommended that no quarter be given to black troops or their white officers, and that some C.S.A. units flew "black flags" into battle against black troops to signal their intent to give no quarter. Atrocities were committed, including the killing of troops who had surrendered, but it seems likely that the value of able- bodied black men as a labor force would have curtailed full -scale implementation of "no quarter" policies. At Fort Pillow, Tennessee, an infamous massacre of black soldiers triggered a loud outcry from the Union. It was often reported that all the African American soldiers there were killed, but official correspondence shows that this was not the case. In a letter dated May 20, 1864, written by Major General Maury in Mobile to Inspector General Cooper, it was stated that "Some negroes [sic] captured by General Forrest at Fort Pillow sent here. Put them to work on fortifications. Chief engineer will keep records of the time in order to remunerate their owners. Is my action approved ? " A partisan summary of the conduct of African American soldiers in service to the Union and their treatment as POWs included an 1869 report by the 40th Congress partially entitled "Treatment of Prisoners of War, by the Rebel Authorities during the War of the Rebellion." In part it reads: The government of the United States gave him liberty, and recognized him as a citizen, mustered him into the service, and accepted his aid against the enemy. ... A nation owes to all its defenders its care and protection, but to a citizen soldier fighting her battles, her care and protection are demanded by the call of humanity, honor, and justice. It was in this spirit that the government of the United States insisted, under the terms of the cartel [POW exchange program] and on all occasions, that the colored soldiers should be recognized as under the protection of the laws of war, and as a subject of exchange.... These troops entered the service, and bore arms for the Union, with the knowledge that the cold - blooded and infamous orders of Jefferson Davis consigned them to death or slavery when captured, and that for them as soldiers, there was to be no quarter in the field, camp, or prison; that their rights of prisoners of war were to 37 uE 8£ a; nn jo spursnolp pp sr—atatp pal!) to • • • `padeasa to `uosud ui pauiptuaa tuaqp. jo asow LEA& jo saauosud se warp az u2oaaa oa linapjip ooi ;i punoj saaEaapaJuoj aria `pua alp oa do ati2I8 • utE1�oad a$upgaxa tauosud aria mot! ganut upauaq Jou pp saaipjos pplg : smollo3 se Apuaaaa a tout pazuetutuns sem sMOd ueauatud uEOt.gy o luatuleaa1 46 aaam papnjlp anoge saapao all amp ,C.toatp aria uodn 2daaxa `to! palunoaaeun L16'9 $uinEal `pa.tn;dea uaaq DAM" 01. pall-iwpe am LEL `anoge uaas sd •tS9`L uaaq anpq pinogs aaquanu alogm alp `sisEq anogE atp uodn paumpat `sa;igm alp 2uoutp se sdooaa paaoloa alp 2uoutE saanadEa owl amps alp uaaq aaatp peH •saauosud pampa ou mpa oa uogeuiivaaaap alp ur punoj aq o; si snp jo a snea aqy •saauosiad apetu atam sdooax paaoloa sr amp& ,Cum sE satup ua; Jnoge punoj s! ii `aainaas atp ui 3.13m uatu paaoloa amp gaigm 2uunp `sapa,C o w jsel alp ao oppa aria SE ` puesnotp lad aaquinu alp jo • Ijeq -auo Jo aauemolle IEaagij ,Lai atp J'uplew • E98 Li nue j aaaje iltuap aria jo lard E autpaag Jnq `aem aaqua alp 2uianp anaas Jou pp `aanamoq `sdooar paaoloa agy•uaui 0001 Atana to zy-kr `sdooaq paaoloa alp tuoaj uatu 000 I .Clan@ ui 98 paaagwnu sdoou augm alp utoaj paanTdea aq j •paanadda aaam - frS£ `8L I utotjm jo `Z I I `£LO`Z spm uaut paasqua jo aaqutnu ajogm atjy•saauosud augm aqa jo;Etp Jjeq -auo 1noge,C4gelaotu jo oilea p `ivaa lad S/E OI Jnoge si silty •saoadpa aiatp jo spuEq alp to pal!) uiogm jo 8L `saaoTpo jo a t snpxa `sjagaa atp ,Cq paanudda se paatodaa an LEL ` aria jo app aria 2uitnp aainaas saws pa ;lull agi ui paasijua sdooaq p S68`8L I alp jo •sanigaaE pgaa paanidea aria jo spaoaaa aria uodn saauosud paaoloa jo aaquanu [fetus Ajgpaagou si aaaq j •.CaEtapaluoj alp jo A;aadoad se plos aq pinogs )(alp Trip `pauuppat aq uilip3 `ao `sialsEm lip of pauanaat aq pinogs ,Carp amp Jugaaaip (q mate papipom paEmaaajE , Caetapejuoj alp jo ;uapisaad alp anq `aaue;sui asap age ui pa,Cago aaam stapao asaq j •saaipjos paaoloDJo aanadED ou MEtu o; ppp aria ut saapuEtuutoa o; saapao pa \Eadaa aaam aaatl� • pauoquatu alt of !Has aeM Jo saauosiad jo muaui;Ea n atp. jo asegd tatpo auo si alai" :tpnos alp ui suosud puE alij uosud jo iunoaae ue aaoam rjuj aaalurgoA uisuoasrM w,f alt; jo ssautnd •g ,CauaH auEa2aas `aaodaa amp aalje saeaC oz uep aaow 96 •auatuaapas sup amluelsgns / IIim • • • 'Trap Pafgns aaam sour ui paanadda sdooaq paaoloa aip;E; saJels aq gatgm to `Z98I `aaqutanoN T IDE `pap5'aanpag leaauaD of arm JO ,Caplaaaas Lagoa `uoppas 3o suopan4sui alp aauaaajaa y •,Caanuis jo Juids jlaj of paapuaes `paanadea ,Ii SCaga pup `paaoai pue paivap aq a i n h 1 iI D U N V A N O I S I H J O 1 V N u n o f k \:t J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E soldiers on both sides. Many, however, were assigned to work on fortifications, sometimes being subjected to Union artillery fire, or on other Confederate work projects. Some were returned to slave owners, who had access to newspapers in most large southern cities, which listed by name those former slaves who had been captured. As the U.S. military expanded its control of Louisiana in 1863 and more and more enslaved African joined the Union Army, C.S.A. General Smith sought to curb the Union's recruitment of slaves Americans Mississippi Department." When General Taylor's men brought in African American POWs from the ashes in central Louisiana, "neither the rebel military nor the local civil authorities were inclined to show these ti skirmishes any mercy. " 100 General Smith advised Taylor to give no quarter to armed African Americans, "whether the s the Union uniform or not, they were to be treated not as enemy soldiers but rather as slave insurrectionaries y wore and should be hanged."' By August 1863, however, C. S. A. Secretary of War Seddon issued different insucts n , s regarding captured "negro [sic] troops," stating that they should be shown mercy and "encouraged to su mi t instruction return to their masters. " 102 However, on June 6, 1864, Secretary of War Seddon and Major General Ho omi Cobb exchanged letters, with Cobb writing that, "W cannot consent to regard our slaves as risoners Howell C hen responded, captured in the enemy's army." Seddon res P of war when P , " .. I agree with you entirely. I doubt, however, whether the exchange of negroes [sic] at all for our soldiers would be tolerated. As to the white officers servin troops, we ought never to be inconvenienced with such prisoners."'' g with negro [sic] During the summer of 1863, Texas troops in the Confederate Army captured hundreds of black northeast Louisiana during skirmishes at Mound Plantation, and at least some African Americans ar to h s in ended up in a Texas stockade. Although it is not clear just where this particular prison was located, appear s o have that further research will reveal the location: , it seems likely When the men at last arrived at the POW pens set up near Delhi, some were put to work digging fortifications, while others became cooks, and at least one was appropriated as a body servant for a Texas officer. The captured black soldiers, treated not as military prisoners but rather as runaway slaves, were scattered throughout the Trans- Mississippi, with some being sent to Shreveport, others to Little Rock, and the unluckiest among them to Texas. Those sent to prison compounds instead of labor camps suffered neglect and maltreatment. According to Private Charles Fremont, a number of his comrades froze to death in a Texas stockade in early 1864; both of Fremont's feet were severely frostbitten. William H.H. Freeman, another private, attested to the fact the diarrhea prevalent in the camp was responsible for additional deaths. 39 Of Xie31I?tu uo?un ay pau?of puq ogm sod TIaEIq g3 ?m 2uolu zogEl o3 matt 2u?aq scopes treopatuv ueo? as o aaam aaatp `mau3r �Crjeuosa g I 4a- a ad a slops uo, ippe ur 393 sr pi aneq o; stuaas a ooI rips � o � u. III •uaeal 03 argEun uaaq aneq I saureu asogm spurge uuoo saprsag `aaour rips ace 3.1311 imp anarraq 03 uoseaa aneq pue ` slassan anoqu 94 uo paan3dra [ors] I t. sao.r2au as a33 o ;.I I?� sr a .red e tprmaaaq gs?uanj I •arm s.zauosud sr pa;Eaa3 aq Amu uAmu `anger °; Plaq mou pue `Isom alp 3o uaano urea ue `31.1211 2uru P aoy� `LUagouS `uo�d ?I� age uo paan3deo [o ?s] saodau aaaj atp Tugs 1ap.ro u? s3sanbaa a q [ ;ue r f � o� as ;gal s cad 3 °] Cdoo IE?otlro 31 11, [saJuegoxa ono $uplaom u? panlonur aaor o y'S'� e ,I3 `prsueurCzS •rod] 1 turq gsnran3 03 uaTIEl aq Amu sda ;s Cressaoau age Try lsanbaa Cttn oadsaz aao3aaaqp. I `PaPPE - ra)oo.r3 `sMOd 33eurq?231 SP sao?naas uorun alp ur (sanurs padEDs .ro « spuEgE.3uo) 03 pasoddo sr) « saodaN y,, jo 2uauueaal atp o3 papa& 393 wrap IeaauaO 03 aa7 IE zauaO urn y as ;fat a J'tnouaaa3aa aayy pao3 dump 3E stops a3?iIm aq; uio zd 4CraTeirdas Hag aaam ogm saol?ES uEOraaury ueora3y ono a if g S98I ` Z ren rgad uo sari? zoqpne d S a 03 �sa�o rd Ieur ro3 � za�oo r� ?aapaad �ueua�na? ,CnE s o 1 Z ICI 'S'l s? 2saaalur ae IrtopaedJO of I ' uo ?rragag aqp 30 .zeM arp jo « spaooa21 rE ?otrjO„ aq4 urou par?duroo atom ivy pod dump 3noge sau3ua snoaaurnu sure uoo `a aruoz ,lo if -,fn sadvas uo suosu aD rer I Y� Q QV� �P d MI � 11I. papr2ua `sp.zooaa uospd ..rem Irnr3 reroulo jo uot;E3a.zta3uu pue uouel ?dmoo an ?suagaadmoo s 3.zagog " 601 S ;.rEd.xa ;anon al?LIm crag; ..tor aseo ay sEm SE `pond dump ;E s MOd se pauosuduu 2u?aq uatp .ratpE.r IC apq ur s.ra roqui sr prat,, c ram uatueas a3rgm tprm pa.zn3deo uaureas ueouatuy ueouly cowl `aanamog `;uatuaa de I I r33ei 94 a3?ds ul •a2uetroxa jo sasodmd.roj scones a3?gm sr cures atp palua13 aq prnom ,Cuz.zy •S•n cop u? 2u?naas aE1q am 393 pa x& Atrertluana Xaq; 'la/tan/toil •saarplos se 4Coetur3dar aratp az?udooaa 03 pasndaa sa3E.zapaJuo3 aip if 98I ur sac ?pros se `sailers paduosa J'u?pnpur ` suEO ?aatuy ueouJy 3daooE o3 ueJ'aq Allerorllo Away uoyun 94 uati iu saP ?s q;oq ( paaoldr Aploe3 sum s3run odaN jo saaorjlo all y& jo anssr atp„ 393 guns `pa un000 l n2ua s doom uEOUatuy ueouJydo saaorlro a3nrm aaaq� jo pond dure3 uroa a2uEgoxa UP `ssaratpauoN • 3 L01 P 0 3 q gnos f/ �� ,' alriapaJuo3 ay sr `sa2uegoxa wag pragtprm aq 3ou sdoo24 urapaury ueouJd jo saaoujo align& wetp pue ` I oD (ao saipae�aa `•a• ?) «sda0003pau2aa�no r m „P ; on P uooa a 3 o ��, . 9 s MOd p oo J dump jo a2uegoxa Imp papuEUrap s3s?tro?trn it •5 MOd ueo ?aatuy UED o ua yy3 uuEan atp $u?punoaans sa ?saanoaluoo u? alai e pa Celd pond dureD uana .Cue uI 901 • S98I tun j qgnoatp « aogel uosud„ se aaa a aaam saoao uo?un uro.y paan3 s dEO aauosud of API q I9 tacrurnu liuurs„ u `srpuour mad E aoj uos ?ad alr?ns3unH atp ;E a s ■ ` PIN coon& MOd uOTUi1 �sotu aI?LrM soi'uosud aTe3s ■ sumH ay ur pauos ?adtur uaaq aneq /CPU! uatu IEaanas qgnb u 'plod durE �I P d D 3e pauos ?adurr aana coon& sMOd berg lap,Cla)lq uraas Sou stop 4? `uorwm o u! algElrenE atp ward lanai reuorweu 94 w clam aany se 3snf `sMOd !i4 airatuy ?alyjo 3uauueaai olan�ap pu arnfap atp uaamta r q saouaaa p.p lueraodtu? 3.13A1 aaay pond dureD ;y J 4 3 II n .L 7 n 0 Q N V A 2I o Z S I H a o 7 V N 2I n o t u I i} J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E services after they escaped slavery (i.e., contrabands). The circumstances of the men with whom Crocker was concerned have been the subject of considerable discussion. A potentially relevant, albeit not very specific, statement in the diary of a Camp Ford POW, Private Alexander Hobbs (ca. 1865), relates to the capture of Galveston and to the "sale of Negroes. " hints that African American Union soldiers, as opposed to sailors, who were captured at Galveston, may have been enslaved before their fellow white soldiers were sent to Camp Ford. Evidence for the treatment of black sailors also comes from Bosson's regimental history of the 42nd Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, wherein it is noted that African Americans from gunboats were sent to the Texas Penitentiary.' Still other African American POWs were placed in service to Confederate officers and incorporated into municipal slave -labor forces. On June 8, 1864, less than a year before the war would end, the Mayor of Houston wrote General Magruder to reiterate his complaint about African American POWs working in the city. Mayor Anders wrote, at the request of the board of alderman, that ... the negroes [sic] and persons of color, some thirty in number, captured by forces under your command from the enemy and considered as prisoners of war are going at large within the city of Houston, mixing and associating with our slave population, contrary to the laws of the State of Texas and to the laws of the Confederate States; ... [I] request that these persons be removed from our midst to work on the fortifications, or that they be turned over to the civil authorities and sent to the penitentiary under the State Law.... Numerous complaints of our best citizens have been made to the authorities, and it seems that the whole community is alarmed. The most evil influence is exerted by these negroes [sic], who, most of them, are intelligent, shrewd, and able to read and write, and try to obtain a mastery over our slave population. It is true that a portion of these negroes [sic] are employed by the city and are guarded, but they are not under the exclusive control of the city. They are frequently sent for by officers to do special work, and the city cannot be responsible for conduct. Most of tltiem, however, are employed as body servants to different officers, and thus enjoy the very best opportunity to obtain information and communicating the same to our negroes [sic] .... [We] desire them placed in such positions as the law provides and where they can exert no influence injurious to the best interests of this community."' Some of the men held in Houston may well have been among the 27 African American sailors later sent to Tyler d held to labor at the Transportation Bureau (i.e. , Kirbyville) for various tasks, possibly including excavation of 41 Z pip uoaun alp 2unpauzos sr pavuasaad uaijo os `uopraaga-I •uounngsut arainoad S arp umop lggnoaq orit sanris anpa2nj alp onq 4sanbuoo ,Caroripu lou SEm ;i `sas,CIEut pup alp ui • • • • ptaadsap!M 2upuooaq aoua2asuralui put aouaiosuu alum `aaurTsusaa 3AiSSEd 4.10s3.1 TEUOa1apEa1. atatp paaritosa ,Carl sr `a.iopaq are ssai paoiaoM sanriS SZI •uzaigoad E jo aaow awraaq uoprindod panAisua alp jo auuidpsup `paxEiaa ,CiuEssaoau SEM 11.12asa3n0 sy •aoin.tas /Cavort aaoUa oo saint' a;ugt aoj siira pamauaa ,Cq paiEgaaorxa sem uoprn;us surd •saaumo antis aoEnpd put AoEaapajuoD alp aoj « smsoo Alunoas„ ua Sasraanui 1uEOriuu2us aaam aaaal `padrosa aidoad panrisua aaow aana sy EZi Cwat uoaun alp 04 uou rulloiur apua2aga ;an aigrnirn put saadrasa aoj paroq put wool papanoad suroaaawy areoujy lli •punoduzoa alp woai ,(rp Tiara a2Egar2 anotuaa oo pasn put antis r ,Cq uanup Taro u&tap -asaoq r uu 2uupni ,Cq qiu.Eaodurai Tsrai `padEOsa saauosud OS I ,Ciatau Trip paotuipsa MOd auo 1ZT •suraua "v uroujy paArisua /Cal paasussr asotp 2uowr aaaM03u3a10 utioj 2uipnpuu `plod dump wag padrasa oti& sosiuorun oZi «aauosaad uouun alp jo puaiaj rap sr aaojraaari paaaqurautaa put umou)i aq 'pm ,Carp `warp aoj aaoos ur aq ,Cruz aanaoraom„ :oaodaa jEuoussaa2uoD auo ua pasutad SEm lap aioa `sMOd 3o adrosa alp 2uapar Ua apa 3ApOE TIE pa,CEid suEOUauzy urOUjy panrisua `,COEaapajuo3 all 4noti2noari i, uo0a'l iddississ!W suel,I,alp ui aaJo3 not ;aaunsul ur sr sanAIS 61 1 •sapq dpuunuz ,Cq ,Cpoaaup ao uo lsnoli au aagoo nraang aogE-i oa2aN S aapna2EW 112noatp pa2EUEUr saOaoJ aogEi -antis ow! pawaodaoouu .10 suosaad una -a4E2s paupuoo Jag4p aaam saoiuES Ioriq 1soW •aDoarj duiEj .10 pod duiED or Puri oou TM w sMOd urauay uroPiy 4Etp sapnpuo3 Aprils sail •EUEusmoZ ui aanu2i pam rap uo put lsEoo srxaj atp 2uoJE paartldEO siassan aatpo put s3EOqual uouun 4sour pivot' uo aaaM `air ua E ` rrs E d ure a Aprils s i aatsa OS ; no q sao i uEOUaw y ueoa -tJy � � P a I Eanaa aooa � � ;r Pig s �MOd jo P � ii 'I i ague Q •prod dump pauosudutu aaaM saaapios amain& asotpt swan uu 2uanaas surouaury uEOUjy of pauaddEq mom jo sip arp aq Ham Gum sprooaa asatp to paaang •prod duIE3 ppaus;uun ,CnEU put souauzi2aa aoj Spaooaa uousuad put 'ono- 2uuaaosnw `luaurosuiva alp Ua piano; ag 2112uur sMOd `paluawnoopun 'CiirpulJo onq `paan;dED 2ui ,Chirp! aoi SaOanos E;Ep IE?aua •SMOd uEOuaawy UEOU lnogE sanssu 1uEnaiaa ssaappr Ran! plod duJED puo,Caq loot o1 paau /CigEgoad aM 'spawn aatpo uI •aan1dra aaaal aupun jo ,C1 ago ui `aatpour ao uotgsE3 auo ui 'Tam litap uaaq aAEg pinot sMOd open ;Eqi ,Cumuli swags ;u 'Iona/wog `uMou?.i sr ;ratm woad •sESUE)py put EUEasino'l ua 1E • s.raa os aw M gum 2u0 E aupdEO aaaM s uEOaaatu uEOTa as a M ino t ssa ulna Mo a 2a arw a m s .Pi ni � i P y .Iy � g g I u'I M s�i � i uo;snoH E Pios aaaM uo1saATEn azu paanldEO aaaM otim Apure; s;;asnaloESSE1A 1uaupwoad E woai saaapios uEOT.zawy u1OU OM" Li Paod dmE3 spuur adEOsa 1daoaa1ur ao 1uanaad oo sTIEM punodwoo atp tritium sarpuai daap a N v A E O I S I H 30 z v u ti n o t J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E for blacks, was as much something they did for themselves. In some cases, C. S.A. fighting forces were diverted to capture runaway slaves. Widespread citizen opposition to impressment was also a significant destabilizing force.' In Texas and elsewhere in the Trans- Mississippi region, there were widespread fears of slave uprisings, even several decades prior to the Civil War. By the early 1860s, concerns heightened that Union sympathizers, abolitionists, and their "black allies" were conspiring to bring about the downfall of the economic foundation of Southern lifeways. Historian Randolph Campbell reported that the citizens of Tyler were especially concerned about rumors of a statewide slave insurrection. In response to citizen discoveries of a local plan the day before its scheduled implementation, "four Negroes were whipped `very severely,' and one died as a result. " 129 It has been argued that this particular insurrection panic "came as fulfillment of the direst apprehensions of Smith county residents, and was accepted by most at face value ... Vigilance groups formed and at least seven persons died as a result of the groups' actions just in the counties immediately surrounding Smith. " 130 In March 1862, again representing an effort to thwart an expected insurrection in the Tyler area, one slave was executed and 40 to 50 were imprisoned. By May of that year and with war - related increases in slave escapes, four patrols totaling 25 men were operating in Tyler. A local newspaper reported concerns that escaped slaves were g to theYankees. " 131 Regional military authorities were also concerned, as evidenced by General Smith's letter -ptember 5, 1863, wherein he noted that among the planters "there is a feeling of distrust in the loyalty of their s, and an anxiety to have the able- bodied males in the service of the Government. "' 32 Another incident in Tyler, 2rted by local and regional newspapers during the fall of 1863, points to what has been called a breakdown in 'nary modes of subjection" and the "embattled whites' terrified response." In this instance, an enslaved African rican accused of killing his owner was subsequently apprehended and burned at the stake by citizens.' Historian Noah Trudeau attested to the two -edged sword of terrorism in his history of black troops in the Ironically, the "power of fear" used by Southern whites now turned against them. The nightmare image of armed black men began to dominate their theughts and the way they viewed their once - secure world. An observer writing from Selma, Alabama, in July 1863 noted that the notion of "the `faithful slave' is about played out. They are the most treacherous, brutal, and ungrateful race on the globe. " 134 ate Stone, who prior to leaving her family's plantation in Louisiana had been confronted by African American -rs in the Union Army and by armed slaves, knew full well the dangers of insurrection. 135 In September 1864, riefly departed her new home in Tyler to visit the old family plantation where she penned the following 43 St YV •paod dtuEj ptmo.zn apnlools atp jo uor1an.Qsuoa ,Cj ;aa iip poi Imp Sea! E fb[u `uogoa.I.mSUi Jo asna III `op 2112itll ,gtIEx, alp s&ligl jnjmE„ aq1 pajjED auaa. MOd ;Eijm JO .Ina�j suazr�p all o1. ,CPuEOijiu$is pa1ngLI1uoa `s1azitj;Edm,Cs uoiun a;iq & tpim 2uojE `sajdoad panEjsua asatj; 'Agra. Iy •utopaa.ij umo pans.Ind ,CjanpaE sanEjs Imp aouapina apino.id uisuo ual a;uEji2in puE `1uaunjsitmd jEiidEa `auijdpsip tjsattj jo s1Jodat at!" quamtuano2 s;i puE £ivazigp pool alp jo 4ijiiris alp o; sEaa p aq o; ,Curtis ,Cq paniaand Jam AunoD Tuns puE .zapC,j, ui a tatjmasja puE plod dtuEJ paioq q otjm SUEOiJaUIV utaujV panEjsua atj j zbu<<`CDE.ndsuoJ aa)1UEA, alp JO aauapina ;aJ' o; .iapio u!—pa ttluol puE palsaur a.zam slam ssajdEtj jo spa tptmq puE !uosud olui umo.np a tam szapE t� atp !pamojjoj L13 pun raj ssapsuas jnnsn atLL,, 'Tap put 2sa1E;s uJatjl.ION uunj s1utga.zatu om1,, Jo 2tlauianjonui pa5ajiE atj; paiou `E98! 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J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E Concluding Comments During the course of our studies at Camp Ford, we were visited by or corresponded with individuals who trace their ancestry to: (1) POWs from several Northern states who were imprisoned at Camp Ford, including one Native American; (2) a Union "sympathizer" who was also an inmate; (3) Confederate guards who served at Camp Ford; and (4) a local civilian who sold vegetables to the POWs. While we never visited with anyone purporting to be a descendant of an enslaved African American who helped build the stockade or who was otherwise involved with Camp Ford, such descendants surely exist. Among them may be individuals who could contribute significantly to Camp Ford's history. Further documentation of Camp Ford's ethnic diversity should include: (1) members a\\ .1\ of local African American communities and organizations who may be knowledgeable about slave labor at Camp Ford and nearby military - industrial facilities; (2) Civil War enthusiasts and interested citizens in the Tyler area and uring elsewhere who have access to pertinent archival information or artifacts previously recovered from Camp Ford; .terns and (3) older Americans from around the nation who represent our last direct links to Camp Ford insofar as they omen may recall stories they heard from their grandparents, great uncles and aunts, and elderly family friends who had s held lived and worked in the region. Vlittie A well - preserved archaelogical record, together with ample historical documentation are richly illustrative of Ford the socioeconomic links that existed among the prisoners -of -war, Confederate troops, enslaved African American ,d the and Anglo American citizens that inhabited Smith County, Texas during the era of the Civil War. To the extent that Camp Ford represents a microcosm of that epic period in American history, it stands as an invaluable historical and in the cultural resource. ne, in leged ACKNOWLEDEGMENTS I; the Research for this article was funded or otherwise supported by the Department of Anthropology at Texas A &M University, the Texas Department oFTransportation, and the Smith County Historical Society. Discussions with colleagues during the : o get mid 1990s, when the research for this paper was conducted, pointed me to key articles and documents and helped me better understand local and regional history. Especially helpful were Vicki Betts, Rand Gilbert, and Robert Glover. The present were article benefited considerably from review comments as well as editorial suggestions and assistance kindly provided by Joseph harsh G. Dawson, III, Rhonda Holley, Akel Kahera, and anonymous reviewers for the Journal of and Culture. Pat Clabaugh ova ra graciously revised Figure 1. While contributions by these individuals and others who inadvertently remain unnamed are to the hereby acknowledged, responsibility for the interpretations herein along with any errors of fact or oversight reside solely with the author. a fear 45 • 9i7 uaarg H y` y ;ragoZi •179Z (£661 'Su?ira ;s :aproAMaN) apruono ,('Q- ,fq -,(i• y:sadoosg puo straw mrillrno SCauuaU •q ;.tago' •9Z - (966I `uoie;iodsueijdo ;uauz ; aedao sexai'aoulo P[ru?Q raT (s :rap (Z) •sexay 5Auno3 Tuns 'aired peouo ;s?H prod chimp jo ;uauIdopanao .roJ tue12ord 4uauiaouetiu3 uo? ;e ;.cod suery`yoy,(ouapTlia uoge;. iodsue.riaoejans Teportua;ui alp rapun paunugns pesodord paputm'uogeznreSro SunnrtTd ue;godo layy ra14L 8 ['t I soxai sapf `prod durro ';.ragT?9 pue .ranom 1 (L661 ` �l ?s rancu11 WRY sexai'XL `uoge ;S a$a11oD) CSoioaegory T eo ? 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Fredrickson, R. Hal Williams, and Randy Roberts. America Past and Present. 2nd edition, vol. 1. NewYork: Harper Collins, 1990., p. 264 27. Ibid. 260. 28. Jeffrey R. Hummel, Emancipating Slaves, and Enslaving Free Men:A History of the American CivilWar (Chicago: Open Court, 1996) 212; John P.C. Shanks, "Report on the Treatment of Prisoners of War by the Rebel Authorities during the War of the Rebellion, to which Are Ap- pended the Testimony Taken by the Committee and Official Documents and Statistics, Etc.," House of Representatives, Report No. 45, Fortieth Congress,Third Session (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1869) 250. 29. Randolph B. Campbell, An Empirefor Slavery: The Peculiar Institution in Texas, 1821 -1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 1989); Robert L. Kerby, Kirby Smith's Confederacy: The Trans - Mississippi South, 1861 -1865 (NewYork: Columbia University, 1972); Wooster, Texas and Texans. 30. Kerby 56. 31. Wooster 130. 32. Charles H. Wesley and Patricia W. Romero, Negro Americans in the CivilWar: From Slavery to Citizenship, from the International Library of Negro Life and History (NewYork: Publishers' 1969). 33. David W. Blight, "The Age of Emancipation," A History of the African American People: the History, Traditions and Culture of African Americans, eds. James 0. Horton and Louis E. Horton (NewYork: Smithmark, 1995) 75 -93. 34. Kerby 57. 35. Robert N. Scott, preparer, War of the Rebellion:A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, series I, vol. 22, part 2, correspondence (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1869) 102. 36. Ibid. 994 -95. 37. Kerby 255. 38. Wooster 47. 39. Kerby 56. 40. John Q. Anderson, Brokenburn:TheJournal of Kate Stone, 1861 -1868 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University, 199511955]) 242. 41. W.W. Heartsill, Fourteen Hundred and 91 Days in the Confederate Army: A Journal Kept byW. W. Heartsill for FourYears, One Month, One Day or Camp Life: Day by Day of theW.P Lane Rangers from April 19, 1861 to May 20, 1865, ed. Bell Irvin Wiley (Jackson, TN: McCowat- Mercer, 1953[1876]) 186. 42. A.J.H. Duganne, Camps and Prisons: Twenty Months in the Department of the Gulf ( NewYork: J.P. Robens, 1865) 338. 43. Richard G. Lowe and Randolph B. Campbell, Planters and Plain Folk:Agriculture in Antebellum Texas (Dallas: Southern Methodist University, 1987). 44. Anderson, Brokenburn. 45. Betts 63. 46. Wooster 130. k�Tf 47. Ibid. 131. 48. Glover, "Camp Ford from an Historical Perspective." ; 49. Albaugh, Tyler, Texas; Betts 40,42. Ei t; S0. Campbell 236-37. 51. Betts 61. 52. Ibid. 63. 53. George P. Rawick, ed., The American Slave:A Composite Autobiography, Volume 5,Texas Narratives, Part 3 and 4, Contributions in Afro-Amer- ican and African Studies, Number 11 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1972) 92. ti L' 54. Ronnie C. Tyler and Lawrence R. Murphy, The Slave Narratives of Texas (Austin: Encino, 1974) 108. ,fI F 55. Lindsay T. Baker and Julie P. Baker, Till Freedom Cried Out: Memories of Texas Slave Life (College Station, TX: Texas A &M University, 1997) 4. 56. John W. Greene, Camp Ford Prison and How 1 Escaped: An Incident of the Civil War (Toledo, OH: Barkdull, 1992[1893]) 29; emphasis in original. 57. Lawrence and Glover 4. 58. Gilbert 2. 15 59. Ibid. 9 <,E ] 60. Wooster, Texas and Texans in the Civil War, 47 a 61. Ibid. 1 62. Campbell, An Empirefor Slavery; B.P. Gallaway, ed., Texas, the Dark Corner of the Confederacy: Contemporary Accounts of the Lone Star State in the 47 .x; 8- PIgI *I01 'III 'p ?4I 'ow 'ZI -011 ,Cgrax '66 '661 anos$.I H '86 j ajgey osje aas 'Tr la `uieclsj , suos T i d Loamy puo ID srauosrrd u`gmos age ul suostad put ajrj uosud„ ` ssaumd •g LuaH 'L6 '0S - 6l'Z IgS '96 '(6681 `aagl0 2UDUlyd 4uauturanon : •D Q `uoaRunlseA) L •Ion ` Z salras `sarwlyaumapafuoj puD uorun app fo sproaay 1Drarjo atp fo uogw1idwo0 y :uorlpgay aft; fo ii `siai daid SCapprN gdaso[ pue tpiomsuly •D pa13 'S6 '(SOOZ `Aisianlmn a ;e ;s euelsmo1 :a2nog uo;eg) ,froarayy arlgnd puD `arayssoly Javituij v M011 c t 31o3 `Ilalyduto ugo[ •-fr6 'E6 olautog Pue.CaIsaM •E6 '(0681 `BuRjsnp pue utUJ.C-j :gruupu!p) b9g `I Ironuo[wo4 siauosud anal oym I I :. uaa 5 fo zsr7 D VIA1 raypaBoy .Dmfo siauosrid or BUgurouad uorwwrofU j toormrms Burpnput `uoriiaga}I ayr fo .nom aip Burmp yaws alp ur suosrld pup a�7 uosud fo D y7rii Drgwnloo purl `uo s .WYO `uallryy `youuonDs `allrnuouapuy`uoaoyy `a 11iAUDQ `puounpry w suosird agr ur aaraauadxg fo SaA17DIJDN 1DUOSlad:SrroSrld imam puD IDJI srauosud 'le la quells! ls! •g esy`.siarplos uorun yaDlg `ano12reH `•I'0 peg eID •08-ZLI s!Ur0D 'Z6 'L8Z uosraPuy '16 '801 'MI '06 •S0I 'p'gl '68 'E01 Pue ra *` '88 • 86 £gra)j 'L8 't'i' fr1 orautog put AalsaM '98 tit 'S8 6£ orauto• pup .CajsaJ 't'8 • E .tano10 Put aouarme-j • E 8 • 18 - 81 ralsooM .18 Z0-10Z anorSleH 'I8 'SOI ,CgdmW put iaj.Ci '08 •It'I�I' '1 '6L 'S6I 'PIgI '8L jeul$uo ul suoge;onb IE61 Lgra?j 'LL 'PRI 9L 'n (8661 "op put umoig 4 3p4rj :uo;sog) 5981-1981 1DMlrero alp ug sdoolj :prig aanfo uayy a2p7 `neapnly•yifuN 'SL 'SEZ `Q -1 :196I `1 'IoA`.fliatmn? 1114lozsrH urazsanlypn0S «`S981 -1981 SCmry uolun aq ul SUexaj `jrCutS 'H 3 1ue-k1 't'L ' (L661 `upfeg :upsny) spxaj ur suoauawy uoaufyfo rGoysry an mayardwo0 y:Aiw,s 1noyrrAl7prrg `suuellltM•v Pi '[886 [ 4 PUt1SeP 1 J :DIN! `uosrajjaj) m acp ur slarplO5 uorun Twig `anoiBreH •g uopuoH `.rangy D Sr asyL `$UlpreH (£661 seutoc1 j :yd 1mgs.Cila9) Ioloo fo uayy `auo;spe10 •yuteljj!m'asantls atp paaa otlM„ `spp4 'uortodpuowg fo aByatj `vjBljg osle aas' alou aas 'EL 'tiIZ jautumH '1L 'f8 44 •IL 'LE orautog put A °IsaM`•t70Z IrrTTI4eID !08 (8561 "OD Put uaa.in `sutu12uo 1 :alroJAAaN) 59g 1 - 19g 1 'fwry uorun a p ur sdoorj olBay :rug aigDs atj `gsrurop ropCe . `•1 4 '0L '61 rano1D Put 331.1a1.>1e•-1 ' 69 '6I (8L6I `ueouauty :NI jj 'rn3taaU) AUDfUl laarunlo4 onto p'£8 `tawdro0 °uOrins j uorDy fo aAIlDJJDN 1DAVIAr0 ayj:soxaj Ur spgay all fo suosrld `uea-peW •O PtneU • 89 '001Illsarean 'L9 i •Ieut2po ul suoge;onb `•61 E .CgraN '99 •anpoadsrad Itouols!H Ue mot3 plod durt0„ `ianolJ L68I ` AapoS Itauo; 'H olrl0 ail 1m alt uo ;duasnueut uaulrn&pueg `s1Dal,filrt j Iatfy uospd P10 at; o; V°11 `.ra$uenAS 'I'd 'S9 �I} I N,' •8 ;ragliJ put rano10 'i,9 'SLI `8L-ZLI davlapafuoj ay! fo maw) ¥.wq ayt `sDxaj ` •pa'Aunt' - IED d'H ul `EE (0061 `sauo[ •D uag :ur sny) swell AA. J -pa `ipoggn7 pJDyary spung fo s rowayy sDxaj Ell sapoaaq xrs `ajooggn -j •g spuer3 ' •suoxaj puD sDxaj `ra;sooM !taDrapafuoj s gurus .fury `.CgraN !z1 (t661 `talstrgaN Jo £;ls tanlun :uloaurj) •pa pr£ `roMlrnrj I 3 T I 1 1 .L 7 it o U N V A N O I S I H 3 0 Z V N H [1 O I J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E 102.Ibid.110. 103. Trudeau 102 104. Denney, 202. Trudeau 102. 105. Randall Gilbert, personal communication, 1998. 106. Speer 299. 107. Glatthaar 201 -204; Glover and Gilbert 15. 108. Glatthaar 201 -120. 109. Glover and Gilbert 18. 110. Denney, Civil War Prisons and Escapes. III. Ibid. 355. 112. Duganne 338; Glover and Gilbert, Camp Ford, Tyler, Texas. 113. Randall Gilbert, personal communication, 1997. 114. Charles E. Bosson, History of the Forty- Second Regiment Infantry, MassachusettsVolunteers, 1862, 1863, 1864 (Boston: Mills Knight, 1886). 115. Randall Gilbert, personal communication, 1998. 116. Ainsworth and Kirkley 214 -15. 117. See note 42. Also Robert Glover and Randall Gilbert, personal communication, 1997. 118. Speer 111. 119. Daniel Francis Lisarelli, The Last Prison:The Untold Story of Camp Groce CSA, (Universal Publishers /uPUBLISH.com, USA, 1999). 120. Shanks 249; emphasis in original. 121, Greene, Camp Ford and How 1 Escaped. 122. Speer 216. 123. Blight, The Age of Emancipaton; Gladstone, Men of Color. • 124. Fields 181. 125. Hummel 212. 126. Ibid. 211 -12, 230. 127. Campbell 224 -30; Campbell, et al., vi; Williams 42-44-. 128. Harding 162, 196 -97, 215 -16. 129. Campbell 226. 130. Betts 28 -29. 131. Ibid. 63 -64. 132. Scott 994 -95. 133. Kerby 257 -58. 134. Trudeau 62; quotations in original. 135. Anderson 242. 136. Ibid. 297-98. 137. Hummel 210. 138. Betts 67. 139. Smallwood 187. 140. Ibid.; see also Gilbert 2. 141. Gilbert 2. 142. Duganne 402. 143. 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Jo ajti snotuAuoue uu aq o1 sum sTH •,C1apos 3o suaautu ati1 uo aig e .aor paunsapa.zd'Jag1our e j0 pinta g2.tnoj alp'suxaI'opuoH ut ZO6I `£ 'Ce1'V uioq sum zapupu1aH ran gAT not anpo i ;ui •a.rnasgo sae.ras aBvnBuvl (pup f�rivas fo arnlonzgs [vorBolo,uo a[, fo uorsualarddv laairp Burmoliv ifq owl- alp 'spua Burwzagi og pau.rm pun paunnpaz aq o� z ab'vnBuvl Burmoliv ifq .rauuofdep-- aBnnBuvl pmpuos alp fo 1o11uo3 sluvurruop alp gBno rp warp uodn pasodurr uaaq aevq epr[m slaw[ aep puapsuv.rl uvo passarddo ap [palm ,fq suvaur 01111 am ifirivnmrds ulapour puv ad [now.° .1perooadsar peou arp puv orda a[l fo auiofall ur parapuaz azv passaiddo acp pun sossarddo a[l fo saoroe Burpuaauoo a[j •.roloo�o aldoad fo asuadxa all In ssvp Burins uvoriaruy- o[BuyApuvurmopazd v szoevPgpr[m zapio Ivpos v umlurvur pun alvaro of pasn uaaq sv[ aBvnBuv[ fo zamod dip 'Lzolsrq fo szpom paumouas of suorurdo lznop aurazdns uroif-- ifllvrauaB vorzaruv ur sv-- rsamepnos uvor.raurV all pun svxad ul ;aensp ZIQAIVNZIEH 'IELINVU aaunururoq arJo7aril puv .ramod 'aan[ VDDIEIWV au SflOA 032IO1OD QNY « ILIHM „ ;far. J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E ' e Power of Language The inherent order of God's creation is inscrutable to man. He must impose his own order on creation before it becomes comprehensible. This is illustrated in the Judeo- Christian tradition in the second of two creation stories presented in Genesis.' God gives life to Adam, but observes that he is alone and in need of suitable companionship. And so, "Out of the ground the Lord God formed every beast of the field and every bird of the air, and brought them to Adam to see what he would call them. And whatever Adam called each living creature he that was its name."' Finding no suitable companion for Adam among the beasts, God casts a deep sleep on the man ]SS and takes out one of his ribs from which He fashions a woman, whom He also brings before Adam to be named. 7d Language provides man a logical framework for ordering the world, and for conferring meaning and intelligibility its on existence. Man imposes order on creation and achieves dominion over it by naming that which he encounters ye within it. That which is named is objectified, labeled, and categorized. As a corollary to this, that which has no name is transparent in man's worldview. God created the world, but through his capacity for language and in the act of naming, man recreates (and debases) God's creation.' There are thus multiplicities of reality equal to the multiplicity of languages. This power of language to shape reality is succinctly expressed by the aphorism, "I may not be able to change your mind, but if I change your language you will change your mind." As a mutually comprehensible media of communication language has the power to unite; conversely, by a 1 virtue of the meanings it conveys and the structures it erects, language also has the power to divide, to exclude, and s to dehumanize. In the latter respect, language represents the most fundamental of means by which the dominant element of a society subjugates and exerts control over its environment and over the "others" that populate it. The author of a fictional work uses language to create, populate and order a reality of his own making, writing the history and scripting the lives, utterances, and actions of characters in such a way that their fates seem predestined and resolve to coherent and logical conclusions. Similarly, those who control the coercive power of the state retain the capacity, through the "official" language of the law, legal opinion, and executive directives to explicitly order civic reality and to bring about desired social and political outcomes. The power of language was exercised thusly by Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court Roger Brooke Taney, who, in 1856, wrote for the majority in Dred Scott v. Sandford: The words "people of the United States" and "citizens" are synonymous terms and mean the same thing..... The question before us is, whether the class of persons described in the plea in abatement compose a portion of this people, and are constituent members of this sovereignty? We think they are not, and that they are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word "citizens" in the Constitution, and can therefore 51 z :4E13 s Ueuo;sig atp; Jo SAES uutz p tumoH •aauan13ut Ip4oioapt pue . mtp.aa[gns jo arnseatu autos Atone 4ou uro s! ;t se ppo t aqi ;rodaa 4.Iodlnd ogm uor;ag -uou jo srampm ant1a[go ,Clgisuaaso pup ,CprIogas uana `aantod pue aae.t 3o sans' pa1g$ta'3 atp qpi t 2ui"eap TIT 4ng •aidoad Teal jo sassep a"ognt jo Sant' atp roj S ;aa 2uppea i arj grim `sapi"od pue X oioapt jo aatn.tas atp ut inq `45e13 io ;re jo aatn.zas alp ut pa,Coiduza lou st saat1snf paw anoge atp Act pa/Co"duta a5en2uri atp `uopag jo s)Taom anpeaaa uor aut2siper;uoa up •paienuai4e aq lti2uu rapao atuotua2ag atp o4 Tramp atatp Imp `sassrp uia;Tegns atp a;epndiuetu pue apinip of one 4nq `ssep 2ui"na a4Nm alp Jo ,Ciuopadns atuouta2aq aq1 uxag of /quo ;ou sanaas— or2aN `ttetpui `ueatxal^I `ueadorng `ueataatuy — satro2a4Ea Iepea snotren atp jo uopeautiap a III g atl ui uratp anogE uogisod E ute1tnetu pue surtpui o'gand upauauty anpeN alp ueti , pue papni sut aal4aq„ patuaap aae `poo'q (tisiurds) ueadorng pur ant1eu jo aanIxtuzpe apgi tp;tnt `ssaiatp;aanau `sueatratuy -o0uy o4 aopajut se papar2aa are ,Carp ggnotp `sueaixaw atp `sngj •paepuEjs axtgm pai"exa atp o; maq Aat'4 .Cpsop ntog o; 2utp.moor panJEn are « sraipo,,'JE pup `paurriJ jr St « ssaua1Nm„ jo anJen otsul qut at"L ',Cgareratg MOOS age to uoi2isod amp—lair paAssr pup paTeaugap are sapo2a46Iepea snopen sa"dtuexa 2uto2aaoj alp uj a«1nouT'CTd 30 ,Cuop0a atalp wag ssaurappAn aq1 oIut no padaad mint `warp rjaroJ pulp ano„ aro 2uo" (4sanupnos ueotratuy atp atuoaaq pinom 2Etpm pup) oaixaw 2utziuoToa uaaq peg `pazisEgduta ag `utognt « `Saaan1uanpe gsturds anal atp„ aoj UOp .Itutpe sit' meals S;;EM r1sn j .Iatg3 SCrn;<uaa- tpuaa4aunz a4e" alp II! SraJe"'in Ozt;saut s noN 2uo1UE a2r4pag pup ,C ;rguapi « tisiueds„ E autagSUa pue a1Ea.to 01 sueataatuy -o.mg ,Cq s1roJJa ai'gnd jo Anal/old E sent ;pent up •oatxaw utoa papaD ,Cp ;uaaar ,Cao1uaa2 atp Jo ant;Eaasu TpTOea S1I ow! pueals "euot;ippe ue papieaq ;rnoo oaaang aq4 `sueiptq pue sopgand uaanuaq apinip dregs a 5upraaa puo,Cag :sa ;pm sEn!TO 9 «sueataatuy -thing 000'1 put `surtpup °Hand 000' S I `(sagpj entotx pue `atpueutoD `agaedy `ofeneN alp jo saagtuatu 2utpnput) suetpup atpeuuou -ituas pup otputuou 000'09 `suEatxayAT atutPa 000'09,, alp Jo uogisodsip atp SEm ansst 1y •uopednaao ,Cre;gitu TEaapa3 ipetuia;Je atp ui 9-frg I ut 4uatuurano2 sa1e1S pa;tup alp pur saapea" ueatxay J m9;N uaantiaq pa1sixa 1eg1 digsuopupr snonua4 aq1 saz,C"eue SEn!TO 5 •,Crn1uaa p hi atp ui ,CroTuraI oaixaW ntaN alp ut suot;e"aa anEa pa4duas uopoej upataauty -oang 1ueuturop alp tppim ut ,Cent atp saquosap SpngO Tartpm `tnbplsazgmoH pun uajy paropo3 up •pauorpurs ,CIIEpujo pup pautrt st « aoer 2ueurutop„ a 01 « suosrad jo ssep„ papnpxa ue jo uoge2nfgns alp uo pasrq rapao "epos e pue `papnpxa ,Cppi"dxa aae 4uaasap ueatajy jo asotp :pana;suoa ,c morreu ue ,C IEa a St uazt�p o ,Cao2a1ea a `aaa T P I I ,,.I � H # *•saJp4S pa11Ufl alp jo suazr1p O1 13 sarnaas pup aop sapinord 4uautna4sui Teti; qM qm sa2apnud pue s;ggu ate jo auou tutee ��' r � ' - a a n l 1 n 0 C I N V .t 4I O 1 S I H d O I V N N n O I ]I' J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E It is not that the historian can avoid emphasis of some facts and not of others. This is as natural to him as to the mapmaker, who, in order to produce a usable drawing for 1, practical purposes, must first flatten and distort the shape of the earth, then choose out of the bewildering mass of geographic information those things needed for the purpose of this or that particular map.' Thus, the renowned historian Walter Prescott Webb can write frankly that his seminal work, The Great Plains, is published in 1931, "has been confined to facts which form themselves into what the writer sees as fairly definite h patterns of truth.. " It is telling, however, with regards to his undisclosed ideological interests, thatWebb approvingly d cites the late 19 century American explorer John Wesley Powell in hailing the Anglo- American settlement of the 0 Great Plains as "a new phase of Aryan civilization "" —this at a time when National Socialism was ':coming into ascendancy in Germany with many sympathizers in the United States. In Webb's epic history of the American frontier, heroic white frontiersmen bring order and civilization to a hostile and unformed wilderness "infested by a fierce breed of Indians, mounted, ferocious, unconquerable, terrible in their mercilessness... ." The Great Plains was hailed upon its publication as a great achievement and a momentous breakthrough in the interpretation of the history of the region. Nevertheless, it is deficient as a work of history precisely because of the epic tone Webb adopts. According to Mikhail Bakhtin The important thing is not the factual sources of the epic, not the content of its historical events, nor the declarations of its authors —the important thing is ... its reliance on impersonal and sacrosanct tradition, on a commonly held evaluation and point of view 1 which excludes any possibility of another approach —and which therefore displays a y profound piety toward the subject described and toward the language used to describe it, the language of tradition. 1 The Great Plains and many other outsized histories of Texas and the American frontier are monochronic in their valorization of a particular period of American history, and monologic in that they give voice only to the white t point of view while excluding the voices of the Native Americans, African Americans (enslaved and free), Asian Americans and Mexican - Americans who helped to shape the history of America. When Webb states that "[T]he purpose of this book is to show how [the Great Plains], with its three dominant characteristics, affected the various peoples, nations as well as individuals, who came to take and occupy it, and was affected by them, " he is referring exclusively to Anglo- America and to Spain and to the effects they wrought upon the land itself. Native Americans 1 and Mexicans appear in Webb's narrative only as implacable foes to be overcome and as barriers to progress. F Indeed, Webb states plainly that it is "not the purpose here to consider in detail the culture of the Plains Indians.. " 53 - 17S jo a2peq E tpim 30E1 paaoroa alp sdurtls saata om; atp jo uopEiedas paaaojua aqp 2rtp uogduinssp alp ur 3sisuoa ol;uatunaaE s ure d a o �(au 2ut,C as Una as r aM �.i3g I alp iIE 3 I P � suoo p. :sa�iam umoag •968 Ui umop papurti `uosnB.ral n A said UT uorutdo ;t.ro[Etu S UMOag ,(auaH aagsn j ui ;uaprna ST uogEutuIop aruouia2ag alrgm Jo onb Sn;E4S alp jo uoq u qjj aAISSEd aqi .Santa atp jo ,(lriunba IIn3 alp aansua o2 Alijrgisuodsaa (plow) aratp aluarpgE panuguoa slanoa jtaapaj arp puE 'Jana/wog `lsaq p'2uauraaaur ,Cluo sum saaE.I atp 2uo11wP aamod jo suogtjaa aigt rnba aaotu urtisrigE2sa o2 spi as tprm ssa I o.Id «uazgp -uou„ jo ,Cao2alea atp o; pa2t2ajaa aa2uor ou aaam 41130s3p uuarljv jo suuauauty;tg2 trans paniona puts ED - paruy Ui SUOtEiaa 30E1 UO asanoasrp arp `uoispap J10dS paaq atp 2urmoiio3 siE31( kl.aoJ `9681 ,Cg •apnpxa pue apinrp 02 A2pedEa s2r ur lou put aarun o; ,CvvaEdEa ur a2Urdtuir azggn ,Cate 2Etp aansua 02 A;?Iigisuodsaa ruaoul juguEisgns t auansst aatndttej jo aamod alp plaim oqm asotp `Ars o; sr gargm !pagan par ,Carp ganim urtprm asanoasrp alp jo saa;aurt1Ed atp lasaa 02 ,C4iaudEa atp anti 'rum 33I1q SaEjogas aatpo jo sluatualeas alp puE `sluarua ;t ;s s `uoruido daadxa„ prat drgsatjogas „angoa[go „jo dutu ;s a AI 3uotpnu alp op Aatp sr 2urauag •SSajauiErg'(IlnJ aq sr aatprau Tug `SUEOTxaw put SIIEaLaauly angEN JO sit /Culaod 21.iuuatuap srtr 02 spaaaa tpim ajgudjna 'Grin.! lou lua;xa autos 02 sI a `a sanoo s jo suo gg M zla o a ,( iP 3 tI � q pauiE4suoa 'Arm aagpig •saonpoad ati auo atp uttp aarpo +1.10m E 2ulonpoad jo aiquddaur sr `a2pajmoul put saauaraadxa siq jo urns alp SE `aotpnu uE ;Eip;uaudpaimou?pE uE SE `asuas �ugrulI1 E ur poolsaa Una ut� uaura P q � ms arp SCialuuaa2Iy •uurq papaaaad anti Trap asotp jiE jo osjE Inc! `aotpnE alp Jo asgaadxa put aauauadxa atp jo Apo ;ou pnpoad alp sr lion& atp lap 3sanns (ggaM,(q papualui SEM ;r goTgm ul asuas atp Aim!! Isom) asuas anrsuEdxa ur ur poo1saapun a uEO `sluau dpajmolgpu srq saanpaqur gqaM tianjm tpp `;uatualtls sitiy Iz «umounj put uaaq anAq i ;Eql IIE jo laud E sr looq srta„ `surold warp ata 02 aatpaad alp ur sa ;tis qqa& sy •asanoasip uro &uo ur Jo ;onpoad E paapur put `ur luudpgatd E aatpEI ;ng `EOuauty ur aamod puE aata uo asanoasrp alp jo impair ajos atp Sou sr gqaM 0Z « aJuis aapaoq jo poraad uol E ,Cq paaapua2ua uaaq pet! ulotim jo paa;Eq `suEalxaw 2u1201,2 SEM ;r `sutrpu1 2ugrp;j uetp aaoul pagsgaa ,Carp 2urtpiCue SEM aaatp jr„ `sa;ou gqaM `uro jo puE 61 « `sutarxaw Bur$tjjrd put suEipur 2urpntatul jo tpaeas ui auau put asr aapaoq arp paanoas„ oqm sa02uE21 stxal atp jo sanlarn arp �I sjo xa pue 81 `sutipur atp jo amp suEaixa a jo w rp j Aian.la alp saatduzoa gqaM ` aaatimasig Lu g uaaq pEq spatruud8 atp 'imp InJssaaans ssar anon aaam sutaTxaw agj,, lap ,(Iuo sams qqa& `sagraa suitjd alp Isurt& Aaolraaal 2urpjoq puE ;uatual as ;t sldulaur utarxaw o; spIE2aa tprM •suEaraatuy -oan put spaurutd8 alp tprm AlgEaontjun warp alEduloa 02 3daaxa `aanamoq `ardoad urarxawatp ao oarxaw jo apuul sr Uoguaul 301E0s «surejd 2Eaar atp 02 (' rproaddy SEx i ati i „jo srsktuE UE o; nano U A Q Sr « surEjd ;u3a0 alp 02 ipEoaddy uEpi.Iaury ati I „ uo as ;detp nip Jo uopaod ltrearlt&s E pue « `surrid ;taap a o Otoadd srutd a O as dE O as ua ur sa ona a uodn I � ; g ytI S tI.L„ ; ; q u saw P qg M9I « ;. pasoduluadns uaaq stir Lm3uaa 3sEI arp unprm gulp uorortjrnp [uEOlaaluy oJJuy] alp puE 3uauluoainua jean2ru atp uaam3aq lug 2urlaauuoa alp tuaoj„ ,Carp st aEJosrn XIuo ggaM,Cq ;uEaprars paulaap aaE « sUEipui„ alp `aagj I 1 3 II n .t l n a (T N V A U O I S I H 30 7 V N u n o [ �!I I'• J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E inferiority. If this be so, it is not by reason of anything found in the act, but solely the colored race chooses to put that construction upon it. ... If the civil and political rights of both races be equal, one cannot be inferior to the other civilly or politically. If one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the United States cannot put them upon the same plane. Another forty -seven years after Plessy, the discourse regarding race relations was resumed on a regional vel inTexas. Founded in 1943, The Texas Good Neighbor Commission was charged with seeking ways to improve glo- Hispanic social relations in the state and cement economic and political ties between Texas and Latin erica, chiefly with an eye to countering growing German influence in the region. According to historian Nellie grea, The second resolution adopted by the Commission at the third meeting was that consideration be given to the motion made by Rafael de la Colina in regard to a law to enforce anti - discrimination practices. This was also one of the topics discussed by Manuel Tello with the Executive Secretary in Mexico City. At the meeting of the Commission, May 12, 1944, the advantages and disadvantages of this action were discussed. Briefly, the opinion of R.W. Fairchild, the legal consultant of the Commission, was that it was not the time to introduce such a law; that there was not sufficient favorable public opinion to enforce a law making discrimination against Latin Americans a legal offense even if it were passed. ea goes on to report Commissioner Fairchild's opinion on the matter, which is a clear echo of Justice Henry 's opinion in Plessy v. Ferguson. The one thing which I fear more than anything else is that the agitation for legislation designed to protect Latin Americans as a class from discrimination will do far more harm than good. My reason for this is that at the present time, the feeling against the Negro race inTexas is more heated and stronger than it has been in a generation, solely because of repeated attempts to enforce, by passage of laws, certain adjustments between the white and Negro races. Fairchild does not explicitly reference Plessy; but the influence of Brown's opinion —that the state lacks authority to legislate social equality —is clear. Equally clear is that in the context of the discourse on social relations among the races in the American Southwest, African Americans and Mexican Americans were still considered to be second - class citizens, even if they were not explicitly categorized as such. Thus, it is not surprising that in the end, de 55 ,�,i, ; 9S alp jo uopruzzojsur.T alp ggnortp Tnoge Tggnozq s! uopuzagij jo uopipuoo alp `asEa .auzzoj alp uj •paToajja aq ,Cruz uo!pzaq!j opuatpnr golilm ,Cq suratu omT am ,CTl1En4ilds uzapoul pur an2olrlp reapuD Lz •uopuzlurlunq jo ssaozd (jrzoduiaT) IEapo ;siq alp u! um paa.gp .lalp q no up passa.Tddo alp ,Cq uOm aq isnlu Tnq ` _gale uo UOm .TOU `anogE uzozj passazddo atp oT uanlf aq TouuEO ijaitjm uopEZagil ai3uatpnE aTnTpsuoo Tou sop slip Tnq `. aaETs alp ,Cq paToaTozd puE paZ!U Ooaz SCzoagT u! 'are surouatuy jo sassEp HE . jo sll121. lima puE IEOpijod atll aauruzuioU,jo aiaolag'j atp. Sutuiaojsueii 4 •aopsn[ oT safuallEtla pazip aTnTpsuoo gonjm `s4.1j5u jlnp pauuljsua ,CjlruolTn4psuo3 puE suopailgo ATra u IuuopEUZaau! jo uope2amir alp jo aorj alp u! ,CTlnlssrd s uoprjndod jrzaua2 alp ,Cq paTpagr uaaq srlj aojq suLL IeaddE sTl sasrq sales paTlup alp u! Dojq oluolua2aq Jua.T.zna alp ljoigm uodn aaurouiAs « zrindod- jruopru„ ' jo sans! ,Czruzud alp `suoiionap ,Cseuzi.Id alp am `ws io.T.Ial. ICI `sJ ToquI ;uEAuz IEbajji `aI.0 .TO urq.Tn anp. alp oT spzr2aT U! .Talpatlm „`,(Tunas„ pup „.zapi0„ •,CEmS moll. jlps „saTrzapouz„ alp `zaTEI szra,C anp- ,C1..o3 9z •uopoafaz 1.112l.uno urip 2u!aapjlmaq azotu s! auETdaoor l i tuzrmaIni •Ilim III jo ajdoad tuozj 2u!puETs.apuns!tu aTnjosgr uelp 2upEZTsnzj atom sl llim poo$ ajdoad tuozj 2u!pueTszapun molluils • • • aapsnf • jo aouasa.zd alp s! Tjolgm grad and !sod r OT uoisuaa jo a0uasge app sI gaup& aorad anTTr2ou E siajazd orjm !aopsnf oT untp w iapzo„ OT paTOnap a.iotu ST Oqm `aTE1apolu a;lllm alp • • • sI uzopaa.TJ p.TrmOT apTZTS s q u! a, laojq 2uljquunTs 4Ea12 s oz2aN aqT Trip uolsnpuoo ajgrTTaz2a4 alp pagoraz Tsouzjr all j :Sarum 214!)! •jio[uiogBuiuurg wozfzana7 E961 s!q u! aopsn[u! sTage ' !plilm ,CTlnlssrd alp passa ippr ` ..if `51.11)I zatpn'j upzrw •srxaj,u! put Eoizatud u! ssrp 2uljn.T align& app jo uoprunnop aluouia2aq alp puaaxa pur ao.iojup.T snip puu uolssaJddo pasuq -aDE.i jo ajdpupd alp oT Tuasuoa ,Cpnissrd ,Cate 1 sassup jIE jo ,CTllrnba Irpos aqT azlLdooaz oT aznjlrj ziatp ,Cq `ssalatpzanau `ajdpulzd slip puaTxa ,Cjanpou Tou op i plillazlyd puE umozg aJIgm eapauud,CznTua -, 1 u! uolssaiddo pur uoisnpxa pasrq -oar.' jo ajdpul.zd atp pau!Jgsua £jjrpujo pue ,Cpnpor `Tuatuaounouozd sill ,Cq ',Court •9s8I u! ,CauPZ apsnj ,Cq palldde „dlljsuazpp„ jo uopluijap ` MO.1.11U alp oT papa ST! u! Tualrnaiba sT '1 u4 pInpzlrq 4auolssiurtuo3 ,Cq puE 9681 u! umoIg aolisnj ,Cq pallddr „�CTllrnba„ uz.IaT alp jo uoplu! asooj aII,I, •os s! sap ,Calm purTsiapun col o2rn�uul GI )jool uro am •,Cjgrpa.iddr Airy Tou pp as.znooslp 2up(papun alp `uolSSltutuop .zogg2pN poop suxaj alp oT nods par(' tuozj S1E3,C uanas 4.11.12la jo urds alp zano paurgo uol.Iauzy UT suolTElai aoi i uo asznooslp DT u! saourzapn alp 'Puma q sz • aznTElsl2al Tr;s alp ,Cq passrd 'anon srm uojjsl2al alp `SUEOLTa uy UEOTXajAl TsuTE5E UOTTrunuppsTP 2U! !gigO.Id uopElsI2aj ■apuatuuzooaz ,CjjrnTUana uolsslululoo alp 4nolp imp 2ulsud.ns T! s! zoN •palzzEO Tou sem uopouz s rugop el i 3 u n 1 1 n J U N V A U O I S I H 30 i V N li rl O f a i S J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E structures of oppression, and in the latter by bypassing the structures of oppression altogether through the direct apprehension of the ontological structure of creation. Paulo Freire says of dialogue, [it] is the encounter between men, mediated by the world, in order to name the world. Hence, dialogue cannot occur ... between those who deny others the right to speak their word and those whose right to speak has been denied them. Those who have been denied their primordial right to speak their word must first reclaim this right and prevent the continuation of this dehumanizing aggression. Freire insists, as does Antonio Gramsci, that the oppressed must adopt and master the "standard," or "national - popular," language. For Gramsci this was a means of uniting a subaltern class divided by dialect; but Grainsci and Freire are in agreement that mastery of the standard language is critical if the oppressed are not to remain at the periphery of political life. Few in America have mastered language, or understood its power to shape reality, like Martin Luther King, Jr. In Letter from a Birmingham Jail he writes: Though I was initially disappointed at being categorized as an extremist, as I continued to think about the matter I gradually gained a measure of satisfaction from the label.... Jesus Christ, was an extremist for love, truth, and goodness, and thereby rose above his environment. Perhaps the South, the nation, and the world are in dire need of creative extremists. By reclaiming the word that had been used to label him, King begins to effect, in part, the transformation of the structures of oppression. With the re- appropriation of language, history and the historical process —the present and future included —are also reclaimed. The old epic forms, however, bound as they are to the language of tradition, are not adequate for recording the history of a nation that espouses the principles of liberty and justice for all. In contrast to the epic, stands the novel. Bakhtin draws the contrast thusly: where the epic is monochronic and valorizing with respect to the past and its relations of power, the novel is indeterminate, providing for "a certain semantic open - endedness, a living contact with unfinished, still - evolving contemporary reality (the open - ended present) •" The novel thus permits a confrontation with the past, which'can then be mastered in the present and transformed for the future. Subjected to novelization, genres "become more free and flexible, their language renews itself by incorporating extra literary heteroglossia and the `novelistic' layers of literary language, they become dialogized .... " Bakhtin observes that "any single national language" is stratified "into social dialects, characteristic group behavior, professional jargons, generic languages, languages of generations and age groups, tendentious languages, languages of the authorities, of various circles and of passing fashions, languages that serve the specific sociopolitical purposes of the day, even of the hour ... »33 try 57 i�` 8S of $utpea' `uopruuojsueat pa[gns uonaajja.t Jo pa[go ue sr pa.zapuat pup pajtanun s! 3nq `3orj algelnuzuzi ue se pap_taaz .i uol ou si uoissaaddo `saaurisut tjioq uj •uoneaaa s,pop atsup ut aapao algeinaasut ,Claauzaoj aal1 ajgisuagja ldutoa 2upapua.x ,Cq par tptri tOnoitp q ua.tgs 2upirdurt Act uotssaiddo jo suapinq alp sanatja.t Aitirmp!ds utapouz `,C ;ileaa Jo Cana ;suoa atuouza2aq atp. uo inessr muoaj e ui Sis,Cleue IpoMaa jo 30am 4ueaapuodaad am Iraq o; 24upq ,Cg Aaemjng atuouta2ag atl2 satpaaiq uoneuz.tojsuei . tjaeotdde .zejnaas age a.zatjM •uonpuuojsue4 aupalp -an s i Jo ,Lois uinna.t;snuz am 'Os si sItj2 moll pueis.tapun oZ •,Cjtuzrj papualxa sill pup loam ioj dais ani2isod Ala2n4 e paauasaadaa ajil s lan2Iw Jo asrgd sap puy •/Cem age 2uoje s.zpa Itea pauopuege ui 2utntl `sara,C ,Cuetu .zoj /Cau.ino( dpi -punoa all; paieadaz aM •s056I atpi 2upnp Aaoggnrj jo glaou uopoa allinpavo1 alp pare srxaj `up,C.tg uaamp.aq palanea oqm s1a3I.zonn. 2uea2iuz atl; 2uou1P a tam `papnput Jlas,Ctu SCltuzrj sp.' pup zapuruaajd PAIN asneaaq `am o; isaaa2ut jppads jo st ppq slap. jo uoge2p.pu pur ut uogrdiap ;ird sill 2uipir at saatoga 1ruos.zad sjan2ijAI 2uipur s.zapun pur Hap stq 2utpuris1apup •air2peu o3 paaaoj Spin zapuruaajd Ian2tyAI gatgm Nall lepos alp JO 02eurt Arels r s3u!rd 2uio2a.toj atu sf •3uasaad snow/Moue pur • japq e /quo `aanunj ou `3srd ou spg aH •punoae sjjo.z uospas ;sanirq i.xau aapa igun -s2u 1p uaa4oLoj jo oguzil alp o3ut sagsiuen `pa ;sanreq uaaq srq dota atp uagm pur `sluauzala uzoaj uoip oad ou spaau `ssaulnjasn sit Jo pouad alp 2utanp uoneaapisuoa Iepads ao daa)jdn ou saatnbaa 3rq `uo3.3oa alp Jo 2upmetu atl� 113im 3uappuioa 2utaq out ,Clsnoaur nods pup ,Clsnoua3s,Cuu satuoa Trip Iuauzaldurt uurj Jo sapads r lnq 'Hp 2upq urtunq r Sou st aq 393 auznssr 310111 auo `a1ris ag- • jo uomas ;egg ui uuiq papaoaae uaaq spg 3rq4 3ualulra.tu alp ,Cq 24pn j •uospas ;san.tpg age 03 ;oun[pe algrpioArun up urg3 ssal ao aaouz 2unpou `lina ,Caessaaau r sp pap.zaa.z st spxaj, IsaM mu! 2u4 .ta)pom ,Cao3r1 Tuz ueapauzd upe"I alp. 2upjeads ,ClleaauaD 's<Ot6I alp ui sexajui saaaogel 3uea2tuz spaemo3 sapn3!33r pup Jo smuts Iepos atp o3 se 3q !sui aatp3anj saajjo snxaj ur suvariauty upo7 `roq s aggi?j auilned Jo uogr p s <eaa2ut)j ailpN •snaoj o3ut Aprq;gPnoaq aq upa 3 s aq3 to ped ,Clgeip:aut aae `UUTZ papmojd o3 2uipaoaae `Tegm suoi3ao3sip IrDI2ojoapt alp uoprzilanou Jo sual alp g2noilli •paznreutngap uaaq anpg ogm asog; o3 ,C ;iuruzng)peq 2uini2 sny pup `ssalaaton paaapuaa uaaq anpg aaoJo3aaaq ogm asotpp o3 aaton futnt2 asuas atp3 ui 3nq aai2ap e 03 paztjpuot3aij ,Cpeaale Si ,Cao;sig ano aoj— uot;pztleuopau Sat • j0 SUS ag; ui 30U .,Cao3sig JO uot3ezijaAOU aII2 si 'MT `aoj palpea si ; rs« • • uot;pzj 0jetp 83i `eisso1f0a01.31.1 •poS jo sialdoap pur s;alnnp alp owui uoisaadsip s3! `sad.C1 gaaads pur sa2en2u9 2uaaajjip g2noag; auzatp Dip JO Ruatuanouz„ aq3 aoj smojjr pur « `sdigsuopziaaaaaut pup sIutl ant2aupsip„ aiatl1 umou)I sa)Ieau `paeag aq o; « SODIOA nos Jo ,CApildpjnuz„ snpp s3Iuzaad Ianou alp jo uzaoj ag; `rIssoj2ououz pur Oojouout atda 03 3sra;uoa uj 3 TI m i n a U N V A U O I S I H d O '1 V N u n o f J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E a realization of liberation as the dialectical synthesis of a "limit- situation" and individual freedom. As described earlier, a chance meeting in the fields led Miguel to attend a church function, where an ontological awareness dawned within him. He came to know the love of God, both as object and as subject. This experience of love imbued him with a will to power, not in the sense of a desire to dominate others; but in the sense of dynamic self- affirmation, even in the face of internal and external negation. Thus affirmed, Miguel was able to confidently assert his intrinsic claim to justice. No longer would he be named by or defined in relation to the dominant, white, landowning class; but solely by his relationship with God. One soggy morning, in the wake of this spiritual transformation, Miguel asked Frank Seale, whose land he had worked for many years, if he would give his eldest daughter a ride to the local school, some two miles distant. A night of rain had turned the rural roads to muck, and since Seale was already driving his own daughter to school, Miguel thought he might be willing to give his daughter a ride as well. Seale, however, refused; and with this refusal the realization dawned on Miguel that while his view of the world and his place in it had been transformed, the world around him had not. This refusal of a simple favor proved to be the catalytic event that prompted Miguel to jettison once and for all the script he had followed since birth. Under threat of violence, Miguel left the farm of Frank Seale and set out with his family for Bryan, Texas. This was no small feat, for as Freire observes, many among the oppressed are held back by a fear of freedom. "Fear of freedom," he writes, `of which its possessor is not necessarily aware, makes him see ghosts. Such an individual is actually taking refuge in an attempt to achieve security, which he or she prefers to the risks of liberty. " Emboldened by his new found faith, Miguel must have felt as Martin Luther King, Jr. would come to feel: "If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands.i move to Bryan was Miguel's hejira, and it marked the dawn of a new era of hardship, but also of opportunity, for Miguel and his family. Thomas Jefferson foresaw the dire consequences of a social system that did not offer equal opportunity and justice to all of its members. George Brown Tindall cites Jefferson, who wrote in his Notes on Virginia, "Indeed I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just; that His justice cannot sleep forever. " observes, "Jefferson, like many other white Southerners were riding the tiger and did not know how to dismount.. " Today, it is our great challenge to facilitate a dismount from Tindall's metaphorical tiger that we might bring an end to policies and attitudes that foment exclusion and oppression, and ensure that all people, regardless of gender, race, ethnicity or national origin are able to participate fully in society, and that their stories are told. In meeting this challenge we must not let fear guide us— neither fear of the "other," nor fear of freedom. I, for one, in light of the example set by my father, Miguel Hernandez, am confident that fear will not prevail: "For God has not given us the spirit of fear, but of Love, Power and Sound mind. " 59 09 •Airszaerun p7'y svxal uzolfalwnpDJBof sBurigrs IyBrafo .fayl "if 'lanky puv 'Lagrsi'pIAVQ `saspuy'vuaivpBVyy :IyBu o7 jr woJf'uaiprryp •2poiaa1A4ur uuvforp Burevai.a0 panour Xayl aiaym svxal `ur.(ig in aauaprsaz vans .razi"Dd v.roN svxal `zpoiaayjjl iraya fo wolf ur puns ualpirya now puv 'pgvsi aJm sry 'lanBryy ur yom yo apfo sragmaru ynm (puvy ur dry) zapuvu.raH panIkv 9£61 23113 ££61' , 4 1 :!:ft 1 . 4 — -II 7, - ••,--y. ,•-•, ...., .....„......„,.. .: „.::„..„,,,,......„.............., .... ......,„ . 1 ., .:.: .., • „....,..... . .. ... 1 . . _ ..*., . „....,„: . ,...... ,.. . *a. ..,....:. ::::. . ,.., ::: , it ,- , a •uorp uiofiuvr1 s pnBryy ur ivauauinnsur want fi •a i sry paBuvyo pry pop moil o7 sv pa xsal puv pop fo prrtp,, r sv fiasuiry mare [NSW Imp aoua7 payovaid ua1fo ay aiaym `ndrnd ay, Iv Burpuvns panBryy -srsur sry puv `yosnya puanv of uorlwnAur s orgvd 9£61 EaaiD `zapuruJaH 1an$11Wr ££61 eaa1D `zapueuaaH olged 1 L Sm .. 3 ? I n .L 1 n D U N V A N O I S I H 30 1 V N ZI n O f J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E E N D N O T E S 1. See Genesis 2:5 -23. 2. Genesis 2:19, in Charles Ryrie, ed. The Ryrie Study Bible (Chicago: Moody, 1985) 10. 3. Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (NewYork: Continuum, 1993) 69. 4. Maurien Harrison and Steve Gilbert, The Great Decisions of the Supreme Court (NewYork: Barnes & Noble, 2003) 15. 5. Michael Olivas, Colored Men and Hombres Aqui: Hernandez e Texas and the Emergence of Mexican American Lawyering (Houston: Arte Publico, 2006). 6. Ibid. 4. 7. Ibid. 22. 8. Ibid. 9. Howard Zinn, A People's History of the United States: 1492- Present (NewYork: HarperCollins, 2003) 8. 10. Walter Prescott Webb, The Great Plains (Chicago: Ginn, 1931) 485. 11. Ibid. vi and 2. 12. Ibid. 141. 13. M.M. Bakhtin: The Dialogic Imagination: Four Essays, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist, Michael Holquist, ed. (Austin: University of Texas, 1998) 16. 14. Webb 8. 15. Ibid. 52. 16. Ibid. 47. 17. Ibid. 160. 18. Ibid. 166. 19. Ibid. 167. 20. Ibid. 177. 21. Ibid. vii. 22. Harrison and Gilbert 15 -16. 23. Nellie Kingrea, History of the First TenYears of the Texas Good Neighbor Commission (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University, 1954) 47. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid. 134. 26. Martin Luther King, Jr.: The Autobiography of Martin Luther King,Jr, ed. Carson Clayborne. (NewYork: Warner 1998) 195. 27. Freire stresses this point throughout in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. 28. Freire 69. 29. Peter Mayo, Gramsci, Freirie and Adult Education: Possibilities forTransformative Action (London: Zed, 1999). 30. King 198. 31. Bakhtin 7. 32. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 262 -63. 34. Ibid. 263. 35. Kingrea 20. 36. Freire discusses the process of liberation in these terms with particular reference to the critical, pedagogical approach. 37. For a discussion of the ontological dimensions of love, power and justice see PaulTillich, Love; Power, and Justice: Ontological Analyses and Ethical Applications (NewYork: Oxford, 1954). 38. Freire 18. 39. King 202. 40. George Brown Tindall, America:A Narrative History (NewYork: W W. Norton, 1984) 236. 41. Ibid. 42. 2Timothy 1:7, in Ryrie. • 61 T Z9 puy ia;eutip ienpaitalui xaiduloo e tons ui AlIslanip 2uigoeaa jo amen atp a..loidxa am op `uagp m°H • (stsi10 ueunnq E si slst.ID IE;uautuO.Unua alp `iie zalje) uompuoo ueutnq alp uloij aznnoaw.p.te pagoe;ap uoJa.zalp pue `sixezd ieinpaiigoie jo epuAe pue sanien Iepos par Irangno alp paldn.tsip uisiuiapoulgsod leq ssa22ns of anteu lou si ;I Teal am ,hem alp aouanpui o4 auzoo set ssaiatp.zanau ;i lnq `pasneo 44 Trip ainldni IeDI2oioluo alp paziaooai osie tustuzapour sod jo aJniiej atp paniao.Iad oqm soiumpeod •uzoq;eJ 41.12ium mai e Apo Teqp aaeauei ieoigdosopgd e paonpoad goigm `uzsiuzapour sod 3o a.zn4Ino atp (q paa mq uaaq seq A ;is.zanip uo asinoosip aqp let1 slsa2$ns mu loN 0i asuodsal 2uiugagm1ano aq uoproiiduij Ag • amyd47oN app. atp 4apun uopeonpa ie.tnloalito.ze ui Alisianip .toj Tin e panssi ,C3isaaniup uolduzeH 4e aouala (dg3V) 01n4a31tgoid30 siootos 34ei2alloD Jo uoi ;epossy aqp 1700Z u! `Apuaoa.z alow •,Clis.zanip ie1ngno 3o Noel pavetu e Aq pazpa ;oeiego aq o; auzoo peq sa ;e ;S pun atp ui einopzno aanpa;iip.ze `utsiu1apoulrsod jo asu alp gpim snoaueiodutoluoo `s086I -pit alp A z •4.ze 30 l ion& apza-lame 4Uein3p ,Ciieoipe.I a Si 3ou `asianip lou si uapIP2 asoi 3141 III paam alp Iuiaq A4e4iios e Se lug •aoUa1apIp e `ssaua)itun UP `UIO1j /camp bu!Uini. a JOJ spUE ;s mil UI.Ial e St AlIs.IantQ A ;isaant tut ut a Q � �Z� 2I) Boiourpal TD7r13rp g8no.np palonJlsuoa uouuDx paysrigvlsa aye ur ifipalzvayaioym anarlaq szatpo "Irwin `sioquri(s pun `Burunaur Isoi 'mini punlina dAidal 01 ifDm D SD �(1rszadlp aas 07 awloa aaDy siowDanpa dwos a[Tr4 •anssr snorjuajuod v sr sryj •uouDJ 31 D uo srsvydUla dip unaru I yarym ,(q `aBpaimouzi uBrsap a1niosgD Jsrsaz 07 IDm D sr A sraerp Suryoval IrD anogV •aaunlzodan pun aauna uBrs sar7rerlon lions anrB jDtp satnpn.z s arioquds atp pun.f5rimon unumq fo suzannd of s.raf.r `fiiD.rauaB `aveuina of BuruDaru `a.zaioo wollBurulruals eznnino ur1D7 ayl wolf `atnynj •sayarp pun sursr- pa prom) of Dinar.una uBrsap ino lsnipn og sn annbaz pnf u1. .(DUI [pp 17rszaerp pun myna fo anion ayp ssnasrp i(Efarzq of sr if sryp III taro Xiy •uor1Danpa TDJraddlIyam III �f fo anion atp Buluzaauoa sar79rxuD paavidsrru fo pvrzi(ur D ut paynsat soy XBoBDpad uzapounsod fo aauani u1. arulalsLs aye ;au.gsgv VlIIHVX ZIVWSI 1331V 1 OIQII,LS NJISIU 11-11 NI IDOEIIMON)I IIIIIOS EV DNIISIS d :AIIS2I1AIQ ONDINIH.L(T2I) • J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E how then, do we go beyond the inherent contradictions of history to construct a discourse and a pedagogy that has profound intellectual meaning? For a long time the rich diversity of vernacular building traditions of Africa, Asia, and the Far East, have been neglected and displaced among the anomalies of architectural education and scholarship. In (re)thinking diversity, we need also to (re)evaluate vernacular building traditions, which may in fact require us to adjust our approach to design studio pedagogy and reduce our reliance on oversimplified "- isms" and cliches. For example, one possible approach encourages students to explore a genre of "primitive" forms: to extract simulacra and archetypes from cultural objects such as the African mask. In fact, the juxtapositions of simulacra and archetypes found in vernacular building traditions of Africa do not advocate for the separation of human reasoning from the "primitive," but in fact help us to understand the privileged position of "primitivism" best described by Edward Said as "one powerful discursive system maintaining hegemony over another." In West Africa, the griot, or jeli (also jali) is the embodiment of collective memory. As a living repository of oral tradition, the griot stands at the forefront of the transmission of symbolism, iconography and myth.Through the evocative power of language, through his knowledge of history, and through his command of song and story the griot exposes facets of the various myths and symbols, which are embraced by the common folk. While there exist an appreciative capacity on the part of architectural curricula to escape from a narrow understanding and interpretation of oral history, sincere academic appreciation remains inherently rigid or absent. In other words, in exploring the relationship between oral traditions and spatial paradigms, the role of the griot could be particularly stimulating for students; however, this will invariably necessitate changes in the way we structure design pedagogy, as well as in our current conceptions of truth, beauty and aesthetics. Apart from the songs, stories and poems of the griot, elements of culture in African societies are also articulated and transformed through the instrumental and aesthetic works of various artisans and crafts- people, weavers and blacksmiths among them. Members of the endogamous caste of weavers among the Mande people of West Africa spin yarn from locally grown cotton, which is then woven into strips which are pieced together to form blankets. The designs woven into the cloth are abstract or semi - abstract — including patterns of lozenges, triangles, chevrons and spots —and bear descriptive names such as "stream" (wuowamyanko), "cowrie" (kolowi), "Mali," "twisted road" (f n'goloni sirakele), "small drum" (n'tamani), "grasshopper neck" (n'kerenkan), and "sickle" (woroso). In the pattern known as " Samory's griot standing in a stream," (Samory Toure was was the founder of the Wassoulou Empire, an Islamic military state that resisted French colonialism in West Africa in the late 19th- century) heavy lines represent the fortified walls (tata) of the capitol city of Sikasso, zigzagging lines represent the paths of Samory's soldiers, and a circle with drums represents the griot standing in the middle of a stream urging 63 'b9 • Q -- 01 a polua_to SI kinua Mau sno.IoJIA E ;Etp os 'sip alp jo uatunau atp tr2no.up suonexaJuoa paijoi uoa /Cjjnja.iEa ;nq oneure zp ui paaiui( DIE Slualuop asatp `;xaN • • • • sivatuap par.tlsgv £rq$?q jo uogoarjoo paa[gns ztatp aanpa.z [stpiuis atp] 2ugdjnos ui `ls n3„ :alnIdinos o; gOEoiddE ,stpitus ay jo uogdi.zasap S to luapina aiE sPDWIDIE u.za;saM jo asotp pue stpitus atp jo spotpauz agatpsor atp uaantnaq srai1Eiud iatp.Ind 6 •Alapos aiotiM atp jo 2uniogaun j ipootus atp o� srunpinipui Jo suOgE.udSE atp umo.Ij `su.Iaauoa [juiaos] jo um ppads po iq E sson puE aiEinog.xE `a;E;iiiaE • anIas tpoq asuas atp ui s paaigose u ia14SaM TIM u5oo are stpiuts apuEw atp Try l.IassE ,Cpuapjuoa uuo aM uatp 8 20000d uo :aajja uu anti Imp SuOgn.pmm! .Iatpo par qaeloomap `tuSTrundEO `uouEultuop `uIopaaq jo sa inpon.us atp [saipogtua] a.inpaaliga.zy„ `slsanns Isom pump sr ` L u aajEui puE op ,Carp s2tnq ,; .zatpo ay jo IrE mum uuoj ;up umuiEuz drat( o; puu uogu.zaua5 nutpaaoans tipEa tpum Maur uuoj 'Epos pmq o1 `pauj ui `si alupuEut .Iiatp jo 2.'Ed •suogumis uuuzng jo tun.naads puoiq £jiunba uu sso.zou sjEuaauut jo ,C1ap n app & u ui `alraz `alrapgEj `lon.t suoo `pimq of alumna .harp ,Cq pa.Iaa.IEtio a.zu /Con j •sanpsuiaip uuoj aarem Xatp„ `san.zasgo uolggnoNow SCpuEl..zodun inq `uz.ioj repos apuuw jo sardpu id alp jo oar i1Ed ,Cjuo Jou strums au, 9 « asJaniun apUEW atp In a(.IOM ;E Saa.zoj atp pue srunpiniptu uaannpaq puu 'sum puE Srunp!Aipui uaannlaq `s(Enpinipui uaawaq 2uituoa sE may azpapuiugo uEa aM„ : suoguia.z rupos jo IIni atp ui osjE inq `a.inmna puu 3.1114EU uaawaq ,Ciuo you sai.zuipatu tanui sr uogaunj sipims alp `uo ;qgnoNow s/CEs `paadsa.z sup ui •sagingaE runu.nds pue (Epos apuew jo tppuazq u 2ugaid.ianut E sppotu injasn azE slarjrur agarpsaE pue juluautunsui .Harp `Aapos apuew Jo sJaluui jJE ui 41131u3n(ontn daap puu F' c anisua ;xa ,stpitus atp 2uIMp •san(asuzatp saauup ienni atp uu.xojZad puu saisEtu alp uop uaijo pue `rump qmt& palupossE sjEmu atp pur sa(sEtu arp polo id puu an1asa.zd Imp sagapos la.zaas atp puai stpitus ati j, •sa(sEtu (unli.I I OTea io puu `pooh pUE uo.n Jo sa.m3dinas ; jE.ia `sapoi loop puu sloop an.IEO `sa;t.I uotspumo.zp utaoji osju sipitus (uEUT 'soup pue `sJEads `sluatuardun uxnJ se spa[go uEi-it ijgn trans jo .nuda.z pue ampE ay uogippu ui •uauzs1e.za pa;uarui -gjnuz axe stpitus apuEy j ay. `sJaai.IoM (plow atom trey a.zow •aouds (Enuuids puu jupos jo aogujnOgJE atp ui panronui a i 3Ejna1Jud ut stpuusapEjg apurrAi atp gaigM cu. as i2op aip saaou uouqgnoNaw •pppA paniaa.Iad air strums atp .iannod `aninoao uana `qua t.2 atp jo uogaajp.i E $tnaq sums pup _nay s «`suogatp.za1tn rupads /Cq papunoq puu sa2ajinud jupads pap.Iojju `pasidsap puP pa reaj `pauungs pue paijiaog aouo TE„ `suoisuaunp 2urpijjuoO ow ui anq o; moos otiM `EOujy uu.IegEs -qns ui stpituslorrq atp ,Cq pa;iququi aouds jupos $uisnjuoo atp uo sluaUnuoo uong2noNaj^r a(Ot.z;Ed •Aapos apuew,jo a.IOO ruaOOioapi aip iasop aouds (Epos E ,Cdnoao Aatp `S.JaAEaM a sr s Euo!ssa oid az Epads o seep oUIES a ut d si uiatu a.zu s s rtes aE a uu n0 � i 3 P i . .i i � ni q q �. 'i ig P ICI g b g.I. •aampa puE poa[go tpoq out Aims alp alE(suE.tl oqM afoj uouituoa ay jo apoge rE_mina alp—apoqu .1Eiiiutujun uP Jo asdun12 E siitu.zad la( `uogdpasap rE1a ;q spionE;Egi aqa, P LIMPS E tpLAA Liouiauz aAgaaijoa ay an.Iasa.Id u.n: to gau(M `sapols Hal asatp SE trans su.Ia;.}Ed •ap;Eq 01 /Clomps u 11 n i l n D C I N V A 11 0 1 S I H 40 1 v N 1i n o t J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E McNoughton says, The importance of the blacksmiths' fortes, facilitating, transforming and articulating, becomes clearer when we view them as elements in the conceptual underpinnings of Mande ideology. They are, in fact, major elements, because few societies place greater emphasis on the act of becoming.... The Mande interest in becoming constitutes an interest in movement, from what one is to what one ought to be. 11 Yet this ontological awareness and emphasis on "becoming" is no less a defining feature of modernity than of Mande ideology. For at least three reasons, then, the Mande smiths are of interest in an inquiry into diversity in architectural education. First, an understanding of their methods can be enlightening with regards to developing a deeper understanding of the creative process and introducing new modes of aesthetic reasoning. Second, analysis of the works of the smiths permits a glimpse of an unfamiliar and exotic culture which can potentially open students' minds to new "universes" and new possibilities of interpretation. Third, to the extent that the role of the smith in Mande society correlates to that of the architect in Western society, comprehending the role of the smiths and their milieu can be instructive in comprehending the role of architecture in contemporary Western society, in particular, the ethical dimensions of practice. It is not, however, specifically Mande culture that is of interest —in- depth inquiry into indigenous cultures elsewhere, as well as traditional cultures in Europe, would no doubt prove similarly rewarding. Discussion While profoundly enlightening, the status of non - Western space - making traditions remains indeterminate, displaced among the anomalies of architectural education, research and scholarship. It is my contention that this displacement originates from a Euro- centric worldview, which to a great extent shapes our aesthetic values and the way we teach design today. A seemingly inevitable shortcoming of this worldview is the failure to precisely define architecture, or to rely on the cliched distinction between mere construction and noble craft. Le Corbusier draws the distinction thusly: Architecture is a thing of art, a phenomenon of the emotions, lying outside questions of construction and beyond them. The purpose of construction is TO MAKE THINGS HOLD TOGETHER; of architecture TO MOVE US. Architectural emotion exists when the work rings within us in tune with a universe whose laws we obey, recognize and respect. When certain harmonies have been attained, the work captures us. 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E Si am1A4 j°N '3no sluiod ip r `aourg3 uouurlls sv ss«alES LIMO Sli ..Ioj K.ialsAui E ldaoxa [aanlOalnp.IE jo] xoq'prig agl ap!sun uE le 2unpou aq /Cum a lags„ `si.Isod uWElluEH SE `imp 2uuanoosip uio.IJ snouna alp aprnssip of Aural SEM li sdEll.iad zs « `a.InlaalilpiE ui uappilp saualsKui alp 2uiuiuiEXa jsureae • • • snopil0 aql [u.IEm]„ 03 Klgisualso `uo2aoD uiEls alp jo a2rspi alp lllim a.iAno sill jo aptuo.illo alp Jo JEaI alp pauozr'qula Anp[aH alillm os is •,(uEUi Kq jnq `auo ,(q palua la aq ,(lalruiilln louuro • • • aoEds oilgnd„ Trip sl.zassE puE —uIJEa l oggnd alp jo Joira.io pur .IOlpnE ajos aip sr SI 3Elp -3alpm sr loalilp.tE jo No.! alp Sabua" Elpo `.IanamOq' `nNO AT i •snnla2 KIE;i'OS E JO SUOrIaLJ 3Ai3E.IJEU puE uoprulgEU ! u.IapOul alp JO JOAEJ uI UI0pSIA1 IELp.IE!.IIEU.I puE IEUnuiuioo `plo -a2E JO uopoa[aJ E sr ESnpaw JO )'sEUI alp LpIA1 2IsEUl uEO!.iJV alp jo 2ul3UElddns alp puE snas.Iad 1pim uoprDu luap! S��'n l uro am `mi ll, • a3n3Eu .Ian° uosrai Jo, gduInpi. alp puE Kuomla2al''Ego.IEi.IuEd E jo luaunlsilqulsa alp luasaida i Ol pools.lapun ,(luouluzoa S! snasiad jo spurn alp lE 1prap .Tall pUE sauallaH alp F lo u0i3Ea.IO E sEm a2ESIA snolisuoul JOH •EUla "but Kq a.Tnllna oluallaH alup -a.Id pUE EKgf ui ail Sui2!10 s,esnpaw `pej ul •Esnpaw `uoiloD papEaq- luad1as `snow uoum aip ma's ao )paID ui 011m `snas.zad 01 pp[aH ua)'i' Kpiiumrj uap urn ul!M pur 6Z pup'sgarl piuEQ •Esnpaw Jo''srui alp— s4uo uEOizJV 1pim Amu aaipour paiepdo.IddE )Iiip[aH 194 $uillal SI 3! `)ISEUI uEapjV alp JO uoi3E.iauan S 03 uoiloullsipEZluoO uI 8Z • aoua taJa.z'E.iilllno Kur JO p!Onap uollaE.IlsgE ai.Llauloa$ aind jo a inloalrgo it allaui.Iaq 2 alBJ.lo 02 uisIgnD Jo Srapi IEUOilisoduioa puE SapaA00sip'EmSIA alp UI0.IJ mall) Inp[aH sr `slsign3 alp pur SLID I a i t p 1 1 n a U N V A N O I S I H 10 1 V N ZI n O I J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E that reflects a heavy emphasis on the cosmology and epistemic conditions that inform Dogon architecture. The dialectic between cosmology and the sense of place is intended to connect the student with an unfamiliar world- view. Among the Dogon, hermeneutic spatial relationships point to a reality above and beyond "conventional" explanations. And so I propose a design problem related to the mask, the pedagogic purpose of which is to learn from the rich dimensions of form, space, and language of "primitive" aesthetic expression. But the mask assignment also points to a broader aim: improvisation. Musician Howie Smith relates the response of jazz legend Charlie "Bird" Parker to a query from an aspiring saxophonist who asked Bird what he had to do to play like he did. Bird said, "Master the instrument, master the music, forget all that just play. " At first the student struggles to clarify the meaning of the mask, looking for aesthetic satisfaction. The student is forced to make aesthetic judgments about the mask, which nonetheless do not change the mask's symbolic or cultural value. This stage is like learning the instrument. Secondly, the student must make a more rigorous justification for the composition and for the subjective, expressive, and representative forms that evolve from the previous exercise. This is like learning the music. Finally, the student must take the aesthetic realism of the mask seriously, and through a process of improvisation and discovery selectively accept or discard specific aesthetic principles leaving only tonal variations of the mask. There are a number of conclusions that can be drawn from the study of the mask, all of which enhance the student's knowledge of design principles; but the larger debate which this exercise seeks to address centers around a re- evaluation of the modes of aesthetic reasoning that are applied or taught in the design studio. The reasons that sincere academic interpretation of indigenous aesthetic expression remains inherently rigid or altogether absent from the design studio are related to the perceived threat such a pursuit poses to our understanding of "truth," and the fear of corrupting what we already know. Of course, there are larger ironies surrounding the question of non - Western culture. As Baudrillard's Simulacra and Simulation suggests, "[i]t is thus very naive to look for ethnology in the Savages or in someThirdWorld —it is here, everywhere, in the metropolises, in the white community, in a world completely cataloged and analyzed, then artificially resurrected under the auspices of the real, in a world of simulation ... " So perhaps we can think of diversity another way. As it becomes less plausible to continue along the path of absolute knowledge we need to consider specific ways that teaching diversity can counteract the mobile and disenchanted vocabularies and the uncertainties and popular prejudices that threaten the erosion of cultural value. Diversity can empower a student in at least three ways: to resist absolute knowledge; to confront the Euro- centric fixation; and to advocate for the legitimate valuation of ethnic - geographies. This imaginative shift will have profound consequences for the individual students who may inhabit a completely different mental universe 73 rte" *L • 99 - 19 :L86I utun;ny`I •ou `9.p Ion `ruspr uo uy pan s3paypsayso Ioumo[ u `amia ;maid uc .I;r;uenzj pue .jisza& j :s;oy Iezn;oa ;np iv Jo Aouanbazd aq L `uelgPI °J P1AAQ • Z •(LooZ•p) A szaniun uo ;aauud `sn;uaucg zossajotd 'suIITMgdjem uqo[ me! alp `zo ;uatu Am o; ,Cessa sup a ;ea'pap I •1 S 3 J. O M Q M 3 •zoneapua sup u! 4ioddns sits ioj goiaM ;zagou puauj leap Aux pIrelp of ;Item osie i •s1Jezp snoTZen $tupeaz za ; suopsa2$ns inpg2notp ,Clan pue sluaunuoo injdpq pazajjo oqm puotuzmuliagog pue ,Cessa sup jo maptaz ieiliui alp uo 2tnxeoa sal .zoj zuy $tezj zossaJozd tie S1Mawd9uEI IMOA)?IDv •puo,Caq pue urooissep alp ui latdtui lueaiiiAs t antq itim Aprap Isom ganim `stuzoi jo uotleuiquroa anbpm e s! ,Cliienb ieileds jo ad/CI snit' •a.rnlina zptp put aidoad alp jo aJen2uei alp `Aputtu `a2enarei Mau t 2utssa.zdxa ui paaxxns Arm `itaurouea -uou pue ieaisstiD - uou `C[[tpuassa `uopdaauoa itptds Mau t Al!s1anip 2uupe04 ui 'Jana/wog `iezaua2 ui 6s« `Cliueuznq an.Ias o; zamod Ouippnq uo uopelu ni 2uiidduo t limas ,Ciuo uta [Opluaa -ozng] itnpozed sup jo aoutldaame palluupt - un lnq pnoid s „ ;ttp uoptnzasgo s,tuequeg .talakeN a2paiMoupe lsntu am `laazzoa si isaM ;ttp lualxa alp oy «aidoad uo papa ut anti ;ttp suopnlpsui .zatpo pue ,CaezaouIap `tusiielidea `uopeuuuop `uiopaa j jo saznlanzls alp jo uotlezpa.rauoa alp `luautipogtua alp s uia td„ letp uopzasst sdsaMpu.zoD ltadaz i •sai.Ioagl jo tuals,Cs ieuopez- .zad,Cti t of tpdap iepos tuo.Ij palta.r I seta ,Czoagl pue £Iolsni itznlaalitiare jo suopepunoj alp JO uoissnasip put `as.rnoasip auuaptat alp ui pasniap uaaq seta soot ;e;saJuretu snoizin sli ui a.Inlaalupzt Jo aio.I ietaos alp `linsaz e sy •azttlaalupzt Jo a[o.I "epos alp 3o inpsn.p.stuz put a2utga itiaos pue ieoi2oioapi Jo aazan alp uo ,Claioos t of uopataa snoignp e sr sputls `uopelsaiutetu ieznlaalupzt sli ut `uzsutzapotulsod •,Clneaq ureidxa o; ;duca t aM uagM uoissnasip ailatpsae jo sadozl anptuz.IOu alp altaoisip 02 pasn aq uta tpuiM `lavetu anpdpasap t sr san.Ias Afigvuoa `,Cpue;lodtui .)pot alp puppq 2uiuostaa alp sasodxa gauim `uopE psanui apaglsat jo 2uipioJun put 2uipioj alp tOno.up patpi.zua si voM 1einapsed t Jo ,firiouol ati •A gvuo3 uLIal alp paltpdoadde antti i imp pua sup o; s! 21 •,C24iqure anpaa[go pue anpaa[gns _gagl IIt ui aznpalupze ptte Ile jo s) tom puelszaptm sn diaq saauels itopazoagl put sanbuupal anpa.Idzalui •,Clneaq jo pztpuels Mau t smitpo rd `/Cliituol uo sistgduta sli !pp `aidtutxa zoj aspzaxa isetu alp `u.2isap tpeal of pasn alt lap sptpuels alp 2upzanui ,Cq pue `adtasputi put temp `a.Inlina `zapzo io sazua2 altztdsip jo $uipuels.zapun alp zoj sMOiie £ o2epad oipnps ui ,Cliszanip jo uoisnpui alp A2oitue jo sutaul ,Cg • (Bunnoyosuo ;m) Main -pizoM io 3 2I H .t i II D U N V A II O .t S I H 10 1 V N 7I H O I J O U R N A L O F H I S T O R Y A N D C U L T U R E 3. For a discussion on the influence of postmodernism see Francois Cusset, French Theory: How Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze, 8L Co. Transformed the Intellectual Life of the United States (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008). 4. E J Imperato, "Bokolanfini -Mud cloth of the Banama of Mali", African Arts, 3:4,1970: 32 -41; see also P. J.Imperato, "Kereka Blankets of the Peul ", African Arts 9:4., July 1979: 57 -59 5. Patrick R. McNoughton, The Mande Blacksmiths: Knowledge, Power and Art in West Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1988) xv. 6. Ibid. 40. 7. Ibid. 146 -47. 8. See "Cornel West, On Architecture ? " 22 July 2008, <http: // projects. gsd. harvard.edu /appendx /dev /issue2 / >. 9. McNoughton 151. 10. Ibid. 103. 11. Ibid. 152 -54. 12. Le Corbusier, Towards a New Architecture, trans. Frederick Etchells (NewYork: Praeger, 1927) 23; emphasis in original. 13. Reyner Banham, "A Black Box: The Secret Profession of Architecture," A Critic Writes: Selected Essays by Reyner Banham, eds. Mary Banham, et al. (Berkeley: University of California, 1997) 297. 14. Ibid.294. 15. Ibid. 297. 16. Ibid. 17. Banham 298. 18. Claude Levi - Straus, Structural Anthropology, Trans. Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf (NewYork: Anchor Books, 1967) 98. 19. Ibid. 20. Enrico Guidon, Primitive Architecture (NewYork: Abrams, 1978119751) 7. 21. Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture Without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non - Pedigreed Architecture (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1964). 22. Guidon 8. 23. Warren M. Robbins and Nancy Ingram Nooter, African Art in American Collections (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989) 23. 24. Ibid. 24 25. Charles Jencks, Le Corbusier and the TragicView of Architecture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard, 1973) 102. 26. See note 8. 27. Ulrich Franzen, et al., eds., Education of an Architect: A Point of View, The Cooper Union School of Art and Architecture (New York: Monacelli, 1999119711)) 193. 28. Heinrich Klotz, The History of Postmodern Architecture, trans. Radka Donnell (Cambridge, MA: IIIIT, 1988) 319 -322. 29. See Daniel Liebskind's 1984 introduction in John Hejduk, Mask of Medusa, ed. Kim Shkapich (NewYork: Rizzoli, 1985) 9 -14. 30. See Wim van den Bergh, "Icarus' Amazement, or the Matrix of Crossed Destinies," in John Hejduk, The Lancaster /Hanover Masque, (London: Architectural Association, 1992) 81 -102. 31. Lily Chi, "'The Problem of the Architect as Writer ...':Time and Narrative in the Work of Aldo Rossi and John Hejduk," Architecture, Ethics, and Technology, eds. Louise Pelletier and Alberto Perez -Gomez (Montreal: McGill - Queen's University Press, 1994) 221. 32. Ibid. 33. 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RICHARDS, Professor Department of English, Colgate University Hamilton, NewYork RONALD E. GOODWIN, Assistant Professor of History Division of Social Work, Behavioral and Political Sciences Prairie View A &M University Prairie View Texas. ALSTON V THOMS, Associate Professor Department of Anthropology, Texas A &M University College Station, Texas DANIEL HERNANDEZ, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Community Development School of Architecture, Prairie View A &M University Prairie View Texas. AKEL I. 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TIPHC JOURNAL OF HISTORY &CULTURE 1:2 CALL FOR PAPERS r• y The next issue of The Journal of History & Culture (JHC) will focus on the relevance of culture, preservation, sustainability and pedagogy in architectural education. JHC seeks to explore a multitude of themes through a discussion about pedagogy. What role does education play within current pedagogy, professional practice, and knowledge? What is the value of heritage? How do we educate future practitioners, and what are the projects that may serve as paradigms and why? 1 it is ap eer- reviewed publication for exploring issues related to African American, Latino, Hispanic, Native American and other Diaspora communities. Submissions that stretch and challenge the disciplinary boundaries of architecture P P Y g and community development will be considered for publication. Contributions from all fields of scholarship are welcome. We invite submissions on the following topics with the aim of cultivating a broad readership and interactive academic network. • Architecture, Diversity & Culture • Sustainability & Heritage preservation • Typologies of Black Architecture • Black Builders & Furniture Crafts • Robert Taylor: His Works & His Ideas • Freedmen's Communities • Community Development • Architecture & Pedagogy at HBCU Institutions • Human Activity & Symbolic Structures Manuscripts for review should be no more than 5,000 words. Text must be formatted in accordance with The Chicago Manual of Style. All submissions must be submitted electronically, via e -mail to Text should be saved in Microsoft Word format. Any accompanying images should be sent with a resolution of at least 300 dpi. Image captions and credits must be included with submissions. It is the responsibility of the author to secure permissions for image use and pay any reproduction fees. A brief author bio must accompany the text. UliM1SSIONS 1)U1 November 1, 2008 Please send materials or correspondence to: (tiphc@pvamu.edu) Dr. Akel Kahera, Editor, JH(' ; School of Architecture; Prairie View A &M University; Box 519 MS 2100; Prairie View, TX 77446. `'S IN ST1 HERNANDEZ LAW 307 S. MAIN ST., STE FIRM 205 � BRYAN, TEXAS 77803 4 )\: of Hh l�