Loading...
HomeMy WebLinkAboutPrehistoric and Historic Occupation in central Brazos CountyPREHISTORIC AND HISTORIC OCCUPATION IN CENTRAL BRAZOS COUNTY ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS OF TWO CITY PARKS: VETERANS PARK AND ATHLETIC COMPLEX AND LICK CREEK PARK COLLEGE STATION, TEXAS o � '"" -. \ � CP BRYAN 21 \ ., pm COLLEG STATION Veterans Park N s MILLIGAN Lick Creek Park A, Rher 0 10 _ 20km c \yi 0 5 10mi Patricia A. Clabaugh Michael S. Crow J. Phil Dering Technical Report No. 4 Center for Ecological Archaeology Texas A &M University Texas Antiquities Permit No. 2305 November 2001 Edited by J. Phil Dering and J. Bryan Mason With contributions by J. Bryan Mason Andrea Stahman Alston V. Thorns z Environmental Setting Alston V. Thorns and J. Bryan Mason The study areas are located on the divide between the lower Brazos and Navasota River valleys. The Navasota River flows through the interior part of the West Gulf Coastal Plain, a major physiographic section of the Coastal Plain Province that, in Texas, extends inland to the Edwards Plateau (Fenneman 1938:100- 112) (Figure 2). Fenneman subdivides this section according to the age of the geological formations that roughly parallel the Texas coastline (1938). The inner coastal plain is made up of the Eocene -aged geological formations that form a series of low, but prominent cuestas (Fenneman 1938) that compose what Jordan calls Texas' undulating region (1980). Jacob de Cordova, a Texas immigration promoter in 1858, described the landscape between the Brazos and Navasota Rivers: "The ascent to the divide between the two rivers is an almost imperceptible rise through a succession of beautiful sweeps or long slopes of country, gradual in rise and declivity till you reach the ridge that separates their waters" (cited in Jordan 1980:2). The combination of cuestas and a moderate - relief landscape provided traversable corridors between the comparatively high relief Edwards Plateau and the low relief, often boggy, coastal prairies (see Figure 2). This group of highly traveled corridors serves as a link between eastern North America and Mexico. These compose a portion of what is known as the "Gilmore Corridor," an area of interest in archaeology as the possible route by which "cultigens and other Mexican traits" may have "diffused" into eastern North America (cf. Story 1985). The "Gilmore Corridor" may, in fact, have been a two -way street due to new botanical data indicating that a variety of squash (Cucurbita texana) was present in North America well before it was used in Mexico (Dering 1993; Smith et al. 1992:96 -97; Decker- Walters et al. 1992). CLIMATE, SOILS, AND VEGETATION PATTERNS The project area is located in eastern Texas, a humid, subtropical climatic region (Jordan 1980:10). Average precipitation in Brazos County is 38 inches per year; peak rainfall periods are during the fall and spring and summer droughts are common (Carr 1967:4, 7, 17-18). Although snowfall is rare in the project area, freezes are not uncommon and, in general, winters are cold and wet. In December of 1721, Father Pena, a priest on the Aguayo Expedition, passed near the project area and noted that "due to heavy rainstorms and terrible frosts, to the lack of pasturage, and the excessive mortality that continued among the mules and horses, each day we were able to advance only two or three leagues, sometimes only one" (Forrestal 1935:59). The Post Oak Savannah (Figure 3) encompasses Brazos and the surrounding counties. It is described as an "ecological area" that slopes from the southwest to northeast and is defined primarily on the basis of modern vegetation patterns (Frye et al. 1984). Claypan sediments in the Post Oak Savannah tend to have a thin veneer of sandy soils that support vegetation ranging from grassland mosaics with less than 10 percent woody canopy, to parks with 11 to 70 percent woody canopies, to woods (trees 9 -30 ft tall) and forests (trees taller than 30 ft) with 71 to 100 percent woody canopy (McMahan et al. 1984:2, 19). Common plants within the Post Oak Savannah include blackjack oak (Quercus marilandica), post oak (Quercus stellata), eastern red cedar (Juniperus virginiana), mesquite (Prosopis glandulosa), live oak (Quercus virginiana), hackberry (Celtis spp.), yaupon (Ilex vomitoria), American beautyberry (Callicarpa americana), hawthorn (Crataegus spp.), trumpet creeper (Campsis radicans), dewberry (Rubus spp.), little bluestem 5 In: Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County: Archaeological Investigations of Two City Parks - Veterans Park and Athletic Complex and Lick Creek Park - College Station, Texas, edited by J.P. Dering and J.B. Mason, pp. 5 -22. Technical Report No. 4. Center for Ecological Archaeology, Texas A &M University, College Station. 6 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County Figure 2. Physicographic features of Texas and the location of the "Gilmore Corridor" between the Edwards Plateau and the Coastal Plain. (Schizachyrium scoparium var. frequens), and silver bluestem (Bothriochloa saccharoides) (McMahan et al. 1984:5). Thicketization, or the increasing density of woody species, has occurred throughout the Post Oak Savannah and is most likely due to the suppression of fires (Hatch et al. 1990:12) and the regrowth of woody species since the 1830s in abandoned agricultural fields, over - grazed areas, and cut -over woods. Although the Post Oak Savannah is the dominant vegetation type in the area, other types are present, giving the area a mosaic vegetation pattern. The Post Oak Savannah is interrupted by a small strip of the Blackland Prairie "ecological area" called the San Antonio or String Prairie (Figures 3 and 4) that extends along the northern border of Brazos County and beyond to the southwest and northeast (Hatch et al. 1990:12; Jordan 1980:19). The clayey Blackland Prairie sediments support grasslands and scattered trees (Hatch et al. 1990:12). Plants common in the Blackland Prairie include little bluestem (Schizachyrium scoparium var. frequens), sideoats grama (Bouteloua curtipendula), Texas grama (Bouteloua rigidiseta), buffalo grass (Buchloe dactyloides), windmill grass (Chloris spp.), tumblegrass (Schedonnardus paniculatus), Texas bluebonnet (Lupinus texensis), live oak (Quercus virginiana), post oak (Quercus stellata), and mesquite (Prosopis glandulosa) (McMahan et al. 1984:19). Various soils have formed in alluvium that covers the bottomlands and valley walls along the major watercourses supporting mesic forests of oaks, hackberries, and pecans. The Post Oak Savannah was recognized by the early Spanish explorers as an obstacle to travel in Texas that they called the monte grande, which roughly translates as "a big brushland or thicket" (Buckley 1911:33; Gonzales 1983). Although the passage through the monte grande seemed impossible, for those familiar with the regional landscape the presence of the San Antonio or String Prairie afforded travelers with readily navigable passageways (see Figure 4). One of the most unusual outliers of the Blackland Prairie is the San Antonio or String Prairie, not over five miles wide and reaching some one hundred miles from near Bastrop northeast beyond the Brazos River almost to the Trinity. It formed a natural routeway or corridor leading through the post oak belt. The earlier explorers found this prairie strip and used it as a primary route between Bexar and East Texas, in which capacity it became known as the Old San Antonio Road (Jordan 1980:19). The statement that Spanish explorers "found" the San Antonio Prairie is not entirely accurate. In fact, ethnohistoric information of the late 1600s and early 1700s in Texas demonstrated that the Spanish roads followed well -worn Indian paths (e.g. Bolton 1908; Hatcher 1932; Tous 1930; Williams 1979). It is more historically accurate to say that the Indian people told the Spanish about the ways through the monte grande, and on occasion they led the Spanish through the woods. In 1721, for example, Father Pena wrote that the expedition's leader decided to follow a more direct route through the monte grande on their return trip. He decided to return by the old road [the Indian road to the Tejas] through the Monte Grande, for he had noticed that the Trinity car- ried only about half a vara of water, and he had learned from the soldiers whom he had sent out that the Brazos de Dios [Brazos] also offered a good crossing. With the help of an Indian guide, and making its way through the clearings and places sparsely timbered for a distance of seventeen leagues, the battalion op be ne thi tht set ex, AL en v Sav, •re .ld e, the at Blackland Praries Post Oak Savannah Pineywoods Gulf Praries and Marshes 4 Brazos County Center for Ecological Archaeology Texas AMM University Modified from Gould et. al. 1960 2000 Figure 3. Location of Brazos County in relation to the ecological areas of Texas. crossed the Monte Grande [between the Trin- ity and Colorado rivers] (Forrestal 1935:590). The French explorer Pierre Pages journeyed between the Trinity and Brazos rivers, probably in or near Brazos County, in 1767 and noted, "we went through open country without following any path, but the savage soldiers [a reference to half - Indians who served as soldiers], who knew the country, arrived at exactly the place they intended" (Pages 1985:13). PAST CLIMATIC CONDITIONS AND VEGETATION PATTERNS Although a clear understanding of the paleo- environmental conditions in and around the Post Oak Savannah is not available, research has revealed broad Environmental Setting 7 San Antonio Prairie 0 200 Miles patterns reviewed by Thorns in a previous archaeological survey conducted in Leon County (Thorns 1997). Since the Late Pleistocene, an overall decrease in woodlands, except for oaks, and an increase in grasses and herbaceous plants in the inner Coastal Plain and the Texas Hill Country suggests that there has been a general warming and/or drying trend in the area (Bryant and Holloway 1985:52, 61). This trend may have come to a zenith between 7,000 and 4,000 years ago. During the last 4,000 years, the oak savannas may have increased in size and diversity becoming oak - hickory forests in the drier, western areas and oak - hickory-pine forests in the wetter, eastern areas of the state (Collins and Bousman 1993; Kenmotsu and Perttula 1993a). Palynological data from bogs in the Post Oak Savannah suggest that the present day vegetation regime was established by 3,000 years ago (Bryant and 8 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County Wooded Area Present Day Towns • o ,om Q• Lee County Bryan •• College Station Caldwell Burleson ) County / -- • Independence Washington Coun Madison County Robertson County / • Hearne Brazos County 1 Grimes County Navasota ashington on the Brazos Waller County Figure 4. String prairies and Spanish roads present within the Post Oak Savannah. Holloway 1985:62). Stable carbon isotope analysis from the Brazos River bottomlands indicate the presence of grassland plants between 2,500 and 500 years ago, signaling a drier climate than that of today. Beginning about 500 years ago, modern climatic conditions would have allowed expansion of hardwood forests in the region (Nordt et al. 1992:12). AVAILABLE FOOD RESOURCES Brazos and the adjacent counties fall within the eastern portion of the Texas biotic province, which extends north from the central Gulf Coast area of Texas beyond east central Oklahoma. The Texas biotic province is a broad ecotone between the comparatively mesic forest regions of eastern North America and the more xeric grasslands of the central part of the continent (Blair 1950:100). As in most ecotones (Odum 1971), species diversity is high in the Texan province compared with grassland and forest provinces to the west and east, respectively. The Brazos and other major river valleys support mesic forests and serve as dispersal routes for forest species from the east and subtropical species from the south and the coast to enter the region (Blair 1950). Upland species characteristic of regions to the south and west could also move into the Post Oak Savannah through the extensive strips of prairie habitat. Plants and animals probably have used these same dispersal or migration routes for tens of thousands of years (Bryant and Holloway 1985:65). The subtropical humid climate, the extensiveness of the riverine habitat, the mosaic upland vegetation pattern, and the overall ecotonal character of the regional biota indicate a productive landscape for hunter - gatherers, as well as for simple and complex agriculturalists. The biodiversity in the area made it an important historical and economic route as evidenced by the "old San Antonio roads" (McGraw 1991). Spanish roads are especially important to the present study because many of the people who traveled them recorded their observations about the nature and distribution of food resources (see Figure 4). For the Anglo- Americans who were the first Old World peoples to effectively colonize Brazos County and vicinity, the region exhibited extraordinary potential. In 1821, Stephen Austin commented on the prairie's rich, black soils for fields and pasturage, the availability of sufficient timber for construction, and the abundance of deer for meat (cited in Doughty 1986:426). Some of the more economically significant natural resources for pre - industrial human populations in the region are discussed in the remainder of this section. Data from ethnohistorical and historical records are emphasized, although information from contemporary sources is used as well. Game Animals The ability of the Post Oak Savannah to support an abundance of animals can be seen by the rapid influx of European stock into the wild game population (Weniger 1984:182 -186). In 1716, less than 30 years after the arrival of the first European colonizers, wild cattle inhabited the Brazos River basin southwest of the project area; their presence was attributed to the domestic cattle "lost by the Spaniards [de Leon in 1690] on their first visit to Texas" (Foik 1933:17). Father Solis wrote in 1767 that this same area had "large numbers of bulls, cows, [and] calves" and, in the wooded uplands not far north of the project, "cattle, horses, [and] mules" were reported (Forrestal 1931:25- 26). Feral hogs "of mixed ancestry, including European wild boars," also lived in the marshy and timbered parts of the Post Oak Savannah (Doughty 1986:437). In the Brazos valley northwest of the project area, Solis also observed many native game animals. He noted that in the Brazos River there was a "good supply of fish" and, between there and the Navasota River, he reported "a great number of deer, bison, bears, turkeys, partridges, and quail" (Forrestal 1931:25 -26). Judging from the ethnohistoric and historic literature, white - tailed deer seem to be the most widely and consistently ss he or ex it as tw he ed nd he ld nd al. e's ity i ce ral the )n. are n'Y an lux on ars rild of the in , 7). ,in tle, 25- ean arts rea, He )ply • he eys, Sing tite- ntly sighted game animal in Brazos County and the vicinity, although it is clear that bison and bear were also common. Environmental Setting 9 Bison. Early Spanish explorers in the region regularly encountered herds of bison. Don Domingo Teran and his expedition group crossed the San Antonio Prairie in Burleson County in July 1691 on their way to the Texas (Tejas) villages in the piney woods of what is today east Texas. They traveled "over a level country and camped on another arroyo, the water being filled with buffaloes, because of their great number in the vicinity" (Hatcher 1932:17). Father Damian Manzanet, one of the clergymen traveling with the expedition, noted the presence of "many buffaloes" and a "great many alligators" in the Brazos River valley west of present -day Hearne, Texas. Of the uplands between the Brazos and Navasota rivers, he noted the mosaic character of the woods and prairies and the "great number of buffalo," adding that it was "a very fine place for water and pasturage" (Hatcher 1932:65). Bison, turkeys, other "wild fowl," fish, and alligators were also reported in Brazos County and vicinity by members of the Ramon expedition in 1716 (Foik 1933; Tous 1930). During that entrada, the Spanish killed bison in the uplands between the Brazos and Navasota rivers. Ramon also wrote, "in the middle of the road we met four Texas [Tejas] Indians with two women, who were killing bison" (Foik 1933:17 -18). Although bison were regularly sighted in the region through the 1700s, by 1840, few bison were seen. Bear probably lasted longer, but they too were soon extirpated (Doughty 1986; Jordan 1973; Weniger 1984). According to William DeWees, who settled in 1822 on the Brazos River not far upstream from the project area, bison were abundant near the mouth of the Little River and "bear are very plenty, but we are obliged to use great care when hunting them, lest the havalenas (meaning the peccary) kill our dogs" (cited in Roemer and Carlson 1987:142). Jean Louis Berlandier (1980), a Frenchman employed as a botanist with the Mexican boundary commission in 1828, did not mention any bison in the Brazos River basin along the Old San Antonio Road, although he did encounter them west of the Colorado River. Over - hunting during the nineteenth century is commonly given as the reason for the bison's demise in the Post Oak Savannah (e.g., Weniger 1984), but it also seems possible that climatic changes may have played a role, perhaps one that created habitats favorable for grass species that are less tolerant of sustained grazing (cf. Mack 1984; Mack and Thompson 1982). In any case, there is ample evidence that bison densities varied considerably in Texas throughout the Holocene period, and that much of the variation was probably in response to climatic change (Bryson and Murray 1977; Dillehay 1974). Considering the abundance of ethnohistoric evidence for bison and bison hunting in the region, it is surprising that bison remains are very rare, if present at all, at excavated archaeological sites in the Brazos River basin portion of the Post Oak Savannah. Even though faunal preservation tends to be poor throughout the region, most sites yield a few burned and unburned mammal bone fragments. These are usually identified as deer, antelope, or deer -sized or smaller animals, including dog/coyote, rabbit, and other rodents. Bison remains are almost never reported, not even from comparatively well preserved sites dating within the last few centuries. If bison were periodically present during the prehistoric period in the same densities that they were during the early historic period, one would expect their remains to be reported regularly in the regional archaeological literature. It is possible that the paucity of bison remains in the regional archaeological record is due to sampling error, but with so many sites test - excavated over the last 30 years, this explanation alone does not seem adequate. An ecological explanation is more likely, especially one that considers population dynamics and climatic change. For example, geographers and historians have argued that prior to A.D. 1500, human predation prevented bison from occupying the savannas and prairies within the otherwise forested regions of the Southeast. With massive human depopulation from Old World diseases, a major ecological change occurred — loss of the primary predator — and bison were able to extend their habitat to the Atlantic and Gulf coasts (DeVivo 1990:307). Similar processes might account, in part, for the abundance of bison during the ethnohistoric period in the Post Oak Savannah. Perhaps it was only during brief time periods (e.g., Little Ice Age, A.D. 1350- 1850) that climatic conditions were conducive to producing enough grazing - tolerant grass to support a viable bison population in this region. If the vegetation regime was only minimally adequate for maintaining herds, sustained predation by comparatively densely populated hunter- gatherers or simple agriculturalists might then prevent the long -term maintenance of viable bison herds. Seen from this perspective, it is less surprising that only a very few bison bones are preserved in the region's archaeological record. 10 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County Deer. As noted, white - tailed deer were very common in the project area and vicinity during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (Doughty 1986; Weniger 1984). Deer provided meat and hides for clothing and other purposes, including armor. Spanish soldiers operating in the Post Oak Savannah and adjacent areas reportedly used "deer skin breast plates" as armor, and, in some cases, "their bodies are covered with a coat made from three or four deer skins, quilted together with cotton and proof against arrows" (Pages 1985:6,22). Comments made by Pierre Pages, a wealthy Frenchman who traveled along one of the San Antonio roads between the Colorado and Brazos rivers in 1776, attest to the abundance of deer in places similar to the project area: "the deer, hardly at all shy, graze there in such numbers that at a distance I often took them for our own horses which had wandered off" (Pages 1985:15). Amos Parker, a well -to -do Bostonian, who traveled along the Old San Antonio Road in 1834, also wrote about the abundance of game in the Post Oak Savannah and adjacent regions. He described seeing deer in great numbers, and observed, I hardly supposed there were as many deer on the continent, as I saw in Texas. They were continually on my path, or were seen in flocks feeding on the prairies. I recollect that from an elevated spot, I counted five flocks of deer in sight at the same time In some parts of the country, a man may about as certainly kill a deer if he choose, as a northern farmer can kill a sheep from his flock. Their meat is ex- cellent, and their skins valuable (Parker 1968:176). The French introduced firearms and a market for deer in the late 1600s and early 1700s, and the Spanish, Mexicans, and Anglo- Americans continued this practice. In a single year, the Indians were reported to have traded 40,000 deerskins and 1,500 bearskins with the Spanish at Nacogdoches (Yantis 1984:12). Judging from comments made by Amos Parker in 1835, the Nacogdoches deer market also flourished under Mexican rule. Parker related that "the chief article the Indians have to sell is deer pelts; and in the course of the year, they bring in a large number. These are done up in bales, and sent by land to the United States. These skins are bought of the Indians by weight, and I was told, the average amount was about fifty cents apiece" (1968:152). Undoubtedly, more than 100 years of market hunting, in addition to subsistence hunting, significantly depressed deer populations in the project area and vicinity. It has been argued, however, that deer were not extirpated as a result of this kind of intensive hunting and that their populations probably recovered by the early 1800s, in part because Indian populations had decreased dramatically due to the introduction of European diseases. According to this argument, the demise of white - tailed deer in the Post Oak Savannah is attributable more directly to significant habitat loss that began in the 1830s as Old World settlers cleared more and more of the landscape for farming and pasturage (Yantis 1984:12 -13). By the early 1900s, deer were effectively extirpated from the region but, as a result of restocking efforts and enforcement of hunting laws, deer populations were near or exceeding carrying capacity in the Post Oak Savannah, including Brazos County, by the late 1980s (Reagan 1992; Yantis 1984). In the early 1980s, a few bottomland localities immediately upstream from the project area are reported to have had as many as 200 deer per 1,000 acres. However, in the "mostly cleared" upland areas there were fewer than 5 deer per 1,000 acres, with the overall average being about 40 (Yantis 1984:10). In fact, data from hunting surveys in Texas show that the deer population is able to endure significant predation. There is considerable annual variation in the deer densities and kill rates in the project area and vicinity. However, the data generally illustrate that in the Post Oak Savannah, including Brazos County, the densities and kill rates are moderate compared to surrounding regions (Table 1). From 1993 through 1997, the estimated number of deer hunters each year in the "reporting unit" defined by Brazos, Burleson, Washington, Waller, Grimes, and Madison counties ranged from a low of 8,715 hunters in 1996 to a high of 11,735 in 1997. In 1997, 11,735 hunters spent a total of 96,872 days between November 3 and January 6 in this area, during which they killed 3,000 deer. Within the much larger area encompassing all of the Post Oak Savannah and Pineywoods regions of east Texas, a total of 68,009 deer were killed during 1,650,175 hunting days in 1997 (McCarty 1998:15, 21). Collectively, the data reviewed here, as well as the ecology of white - tailed deer in general (Halls 1978), illustrate that as long as there is a suitable habitat, white - tailed deer are capable of sustaining heavy predation. This, in turn, suggests that deer Table 1. 1997 White - tailed deer densities and kill rates in different ecological areas of Texas (McCarty 1998: Tables 4 and 5; Young and Traweek 1998: Tables 5, 7, and 8). trket ;ing, oject that td of ably tdian )the ) this Post l y to s Old cape pated (forts lions Post e late 980s, from ny as Itostly i deer about show ficant ion in Da and that in ty, the ted to 'rough h year � leson, unties a high pent a anuary deer. of the bf east during 198:15, Well as (Halls bitable taining at deer Hunting Data Category Deer range /acres Est. deer population Acres/ deer Deer/ 1,000 ac Hunter - days Total kill Kills/ Hunter Kills/ 1,000 ac Hunters/ 1,000 ac Brazos & Post Oak Edwards Blackland Piney- Gulf Adjacent Savannah Plateau Prairie Woods Prairies & Counties Marshes 1,335,079 7,891,060 23,881,642 749,971 11,343,525 1,441,255 59,770 295,962 1,439,093 15,895 484,699 82,704 22.30 26.66 16.59 47.18 23.40 17.43 44.80 37.51 60.26 21.19 42.73 57.38 96,872 678,228 1,298,932 48,804 971,947 121,768 3,000 22.012 166,759 1,832 45,997 9,504 0.34 0.33 0.98 0.29 0.51 0.62 2.09 2.46 6.71 2.81 3.59 5.16 9.34 11.39 9.70 15.00 10.41 12.12 should have been economically very important to the region's native hunter - gatherers, simple agriculturalists, and Old World immigrants who replaced them. The faunal record from archaeological sites throughout the region is certainly consistent with this contention (see Chapter 3). As the above statistics imply, deer hunting in this part of the Post Oak Savannah continues to be economically important. NATIVE PLANT FOODS Of the "commonly associated plants" in the Post Oak Savannah, many have edible seeds, nuts, or berries, including various oaks, mesquite, hackberry, hawthorn, and dewberry. Pecans, mustang grapes, and greenbriar are among the commonly associated edible plants in the pecan -elm forests of the region's bottomlands (McMahan et al. 1984:19, 23). A list of edible plants that would have been available in the area can be found in Table 2. A less scientific but informative statement Environmental Setting 11 about edible plants comes from Father Solis, who traversed the region in 1767. Of the vegetation in the uplands adjacent to the left bank of the Brazos River, not far north of the project area, he described the "great number of fruit trees, pomegranates [persimmons ?], grape- vines, strawberry- plants, blackberry- bushes, sapotes, hazelnuts, chestnuts and sweet potatoes" (Forrestal 1931:26). Although there is a paucity of ethnographic data about the specific vegetal foods consumed by the Indian people in Brazos County and vicinity, they are commonly believed to have "utilized a large number of plant foods, including herbs, roots, fruit, and seeds" (Newcomb 1961:139). Fortunately, historic journals contain references to the specific kinds of vegetal foods eaten by the region's native populations. For example, just after crossing the Navasota River in 1691 on his way to the "Texas [ Tejas] country," Father Manzanet wrote about finding "a very good fruit which they call as" (Hatcher 1932:66). What as was is not clear, but in this same area in 1721, Father Pena wrote about finding "an 12 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County Table 2. Plant foods available in and adjacent to the Brazos Valley (adapted from Thorns 1994). ROOT FOODS Arrow -root (Sagittaria spp.) Blazing star (Liatris spp.) Bracken fern (Pteridium aquilinum var.) Cattail (Typha latifolia L) False garlic, crow poison (Nothoscordum bivalve) Greenbriar, cat -briar (Smilax spp.) Ground nut, American potato bean (Apios americana) Jerusalem artichoke (Helianthus tuberosus) Milkweed, various (Asclepias spp.) Prairie turnip, scurvy pea (Psoralea spp.) Spring beauty (Claytonia virginica) Water- chiquapin (Nelumbo lutea) Wild hyacinth (Camassia scilloides) Wild onion (Allium sp.) Wild potato (Ipomoea pandurata) Wme -cup (Callirhoe digitata) SEEDS Amberique bean (Strophostyles helvola) Partridge pea (Cassia fasciculata) Sunflower, common ( Helianthus annuus) Yucca, beargrass (Yucca louisianensis) NUTS AND FRUITS American hop- hornbeam (Ostrya virginiana) Black hickory (Carya texana) Black walnut (Juglans nigra) Elm, various (Ulmus spp.) Oaks, various red and white (Querrus spp.) Pecan (Carya illinoiensis) Prickly pear (Opuntia spp.) White ash (Fraxinus americana) ' Driver and Massey (1957) 2 Thorns (1989) Wyckoff (1984:12) 4 Mahler (1988) 'Havard (1985:111) 'Reid (1977) 8 Film and Dyckerman (1990) 6 Prickryl (1990:13) Roots eated raw, boiled, or roasted Bulbs used for food [probably roasted] Roots roasted Roots dried, ground into flour; eaten raw, roasted Bulbs eaten raw (this is one of the only references to this plant as edible); [probably boiled -roasted as are most lily bulbs Roots boiled Tubers eaten raw or boiled: dried and stored for winter use Tubers are edibles [probably roasted] Tubers boiled and eaten Tubers roasted and eaten•' [unclear if local species, P. linearifolium and P. tenuiflorum, are edible: P. tenuiflorum reported toxic to horses, cattle; most information on edible P. esculenta] Bulbs boiled or roasted Tubers eaten fresh/dried; seeds eaten raw /roasted Bulbs eaten, probably roasted Bulbs eaten raw or boiled [also roasted 1•2,4] Tubers dried and ground into flour Roots eaten [probably roasted] Seeds eaten raw or boiled Seeds boiled and eaten Seeds eaten after boiling or roasting' Seed pods eaten, boiled or roasted [Mahler (1998) notes genus but not species]; stalks peeled and eaten [stalks of some yucca species are roasted] Nuts eaten raw or roasted Nuts from this and other hickories eaten raw, boiled or leached; made into meal for eating Nuts eaten raw; boiled for oil Inner bark made into cakes and eaten [this implies pulverizing and cooking] Acorns varyingly eaten raw, boiled, leached; processed into meal Nuts eaten raw; mashed/dried, made into porridge Tunas eaten raw or boiled; pads [nopalito] roasted Cambium [inner bark] cooked and eaten abundance of plums" in a clearing (Forrestal 1935:32). Earlier, during the same trip but in or near northern Robertson County, Pena noted "a woods covered with thorny trees, which in these parts are called mesquites and which produce fruit of which the Indians are very fond" (Forrestal 1935:29). The journals also provide information about the root foods used by the Indian people, as well as by the Spanish and other Old World peoples. That roots were an important winter food resource is evident from an account about a Spanish priest and several soldiers who camped along the Navasota River during the winter of 1717 -1718. Father Nufiez and four soldiers had taken sup- plies eastward along Ramon's road intended for the East Texas missions but they found the Trinity impassable and moved back (west) to the Navasota River (at Santa Ana Lake) where they spent most of the winter. Indians sup- plied them with corn until the supply was ex- hausted and then helped them to subsist on roots. The water in the Brazos was at flood stage and the supplies could not be returned. Leaving the supplies cached under his tent in a dense wood near the Navasota, Father Nufiez returned westward, evidently down Ramon's road. He may have been the first person who traveled Ramon's road westward. Alarcon [the expedition's leader] met him on the road near the site of present -day Devine (Williams 1979:135). From the above account, it is not clear which roots were eaten, but other sources provide additional information about some of the root foods used by the Indians. Only rarely, however, is it evident exactly hich plant(s) was consumed. For example, all we know about the wild "sweet potatoes" that Father Solis served north of the project area is that they were quite palatable" (Forrestal 1931:26). Berlandier vided comparatively specific information about me of the root foods used by a Tonkawa group that visited in 1828 near present -day Austin. He ed among the other foodstuffs which I observed among them I noted ground nuts with which, I have been told, they make a drink similar to orgeat. On our second visit I found they had gathered many roots of the genus Nymphaea [probably some kind of water lily] . After hav- Environmental Setting 13 ing been ground, these produce a highly es- teemed grayish flour, with which they make a sort of cake (Berlandier 1980:313). Father Manzanet, a member of the de Leon expedition to east Texas in 1690, reported eating "cooked frijoles, with ground -nuts and tamales" at the Texas [ Tejas] village on San Pedro Creek (Bolton 1908:376). In 1767, at a "very large and populous town inhabited by the Tejas tribe" located a short distance east of San Pedro Creek, Father Solis recorded there is another food which they use, known as tuqui, and which is much like the cassava of Havana. It is derived from the roots of a certain tree, which are pounded in a wooden mortar and then prepared with bear lard. Tuqui is taken as a beverage and is very injurious to the health, for it causes dysentery, skin abra- sions, and other diseases (Forrestal 1931:28). Of course, the native agriculturists also relied on domestic vegetal foods. In particular, the Spanish accounts attest to corn, beans, and squash, but at least during the late 1600s and early 1700s, most of these crops were grown east of the Trinity River. The few fields in proximity to Brazos County seem to have been just across the Navasota River, perhaps in southwest Leon County. On June 20, 1716, soon after crossing the Navasota, Ramon wrote "we arrived at a small ranch, where we found seven Texans. They received us with great pleasure and demonstrated their delight by giving us green corn and watermelons. This is the first time we saw corn in this province" (Foik 1933:18). The use of pecans as a food source was widespread throughout the southeastern United States and is documented both ethnohistorically and archaeologically (Hall 2000). Cabeza de Vaca noted that pecans were a part of the diet and that, when they were available, they "are ground with a kind of small grain and furnish the sole subsistence of the people for two months of the year — and not every year, because the trees only bear every other year. The nut is the same size as that of Galicia; the trees are massive and numberless" (Covey 1993:69 -70). OTHER NATURAL RESOURCES Both the uplands and bottomlands of Brazos and surrounding counties offered productive farmland and 14 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County ranchland. As noted earlier, herds of wild cattle, horses, and mules became commonplace in the region within a few decades after the Spanish introduced these animals in the late 1600s. There is little to demonstrate that agriculture was practiced in Brazos County prior to the arrival of Old World peoples. The presence in 1716 of Indian farmlands just across the Navasota River in an upland setting attests to the possibility of prehistoric agriculture in the vicinity of the project area, however. By 1822, corn was grown by DeWees and other Anglo- American families on farms near the Brazos River just upstream from the project area (DeWees 1968, cited in Roemer and Carlson 1987:142). The Anglo- Americans planted corn in both the uplands and bottomlands, although the yields were not always large. On June 2, 1828, while traveling in the uplands between the Brazos and Navasota rivers (on the Old San Antonio Road along the boundary between Brazos and Robertson Counties), Berlandier (1980:333) encountered an abandoned Anglo- American farmstead "around which some stalks of corn were still growing." In the bottomlands along the right bank of the Brazos River, not far from the project area, he observed other corn fields: on the edge of the forest in a spot which had been cleared we encountered the field where the colonist [with whom Berlandier had camped near the mouth of the Little Brazos River] had sown his corn. It was his chief hope for the maintenance of his poor family, and it had been transformed into true sand dunes (meganos), where we marched for a long time without finding a single stand of what had been sown there. Beyond that field a lovely plain extended into the distance" (Berlandier 1980:336). The land was potentially more fertile than these accounts indicate, as evidenced by the use of slave labor to clear and farm upland and bottomland tracts (Carlson and Kloetzer 1993). By 1828, Jared Groce held a large tract of land along the left bank of the Brazos River that was "well sown with cotton and corn" and worked by 117 slaves (Berlandier 1980:324). Slave labor was also used in the uplands, but, in some cases, a significant portion of the labor was devoted to raising livestock. For example, Richard Carter, who lived in the uplands near the two parks, was more of a rancher than a farmer. He paid taxes on one slave in 1840, but by 1860 the tax rolls showed he had 22 slaves. At that time, 30 percent of the white families in Brazos County owned slaves (Carlson 1983:9 -20). The Old World immigrants also supplemented the native productivity by burning the Post Oak Savannah, the Blackland Prairies, and the surrounding regions to create better pasturage (Weniger 1984:187 -199). Burning encouraged the native environment by effectively removing dense undergrowth and the mat of dead grasses, thereby facilitating more palatable and nutritious new growth. Browsers, notably white - tailed deer, also benefited from regular burning, and, at the same time, the productivity of other critical food resources, including edible berries and possibly nuts and root foods, probably increased as well (cf. Lewis 1982). While it is widely recognized that Indian people purposely burned the prairies and woods of the Post Oak Savannah to increase grass production, some have argued that they "probably learned this use of fire" from the Spanish (Weniger 1984). Assuming that the Old World immigrants independently recognized the beneficial effects of seasonal burning, it would be an oversight not to assume the same for the region's native inhabitants who depended on deer and bison as well as the vegetal foods that have higher yields under more open conditions (cf. DeVivo 1990). Jordan (1973:252), more practically, suggests that the immigrant's practice of burning was inherited from the Indian people who knew that "preservation of the prairies meant that grazing bison would remain in the area." The mosaic character of the upland vegetation in the vicinity of the project area is compatible with a long history of regularly occurring grassland and shrub fires. Historical accounts of the region prior to the mid -1800s fail to show that either juniper or mesquite was a consistently major component of the upland vegetation in Brazos and surrounding counties, but in many places today, juniper and mesquite are common, often creating dense thickets (Gonzales 1983; Jordan 1973; Williams 1979). Since these species are not fire resistant, their presence in comparatively low densities prior to the mid -1800s is consistent with the idea that the Post Oak Savannah was burned regularly. The upland and bottomland forests provided construction material for residential and other structures built by the region's inhabitants. Anglo- American settlers in Brazos County and the vicinity typically built log cabins (Carlson 1983; Parker 1968). Logs were probably the principal components of their fences as well. Indian people living near the mouth of the Little River in 1716 constructed a "hut" for members of Ramon's expedition. It was described as being made "of branches of trees and very spacious" (Tous 1930:16). An 1828 Tonkawa village in the Colorado Basin contained 21 vault - shaped "cabins," 4.0 -4.5 ft in height, made of "branches covered with verdure" (Berlandier 1980:312). Frameworks of similar structures were probably the most obvious remains of the "old huts" and "abandoned" Indian villages, or rancherias, seen in Brazos County and the vicinity during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (e.g., Berlandier 1980; Forrestal 1935; Tous 1930). There are outcrops of Eocene -aged sandstone on Lick Creek Park property and within a few kilometers of Veterans Park. Although the sandstone material is not particularly hard, it is well- suited as a building material, especially for footings and chimneys as were recorded at sites 41BZ147 and 41BZ143 at Lick Creek Park (see Chapter 5). The Eocene sediments in the project area, as well as in much of the surrounding uplands, are capped with a veneer of sandy and gravelly Pleistocene -aged sediments (Barnes 1974). The composition of the gravel is mostly chert, but quartzite gravel is also common These gravels were once part of the Edwards Plateau bedrock, but were subsequently transported to their present location as part of the bedload of the Brazos River; they presently cap most of the higher terraces along the river (Nordt 1983). Chert gravels occur on the surface throughout the region as part of Pleistocene deposits (Barnes 1974). Within both parks, this gravel lens is exposed at points where the ground slopes, cutting into the Eocene sediments (Figure 5). There are also gravel bars in and adjacent to the modern Navasota River channel. These materials did not go unnoticed by the Spanish and other Old World travelers of the historic period. For example, one member of the Aguayo Expedition in 1721 reported "flint stones" near the Navasota River (Buckley 1911:40), and Berlandier (1980:327) observed "fragments of jasper and flint" near the mouth of the Navasota River. He also described a gravel -rich lens exposed in a Brazos River cutbank near the mouth of the Little Brazos River, a few kilometers upstream from the project area. The 'lens below the surface was a "layer about two or three hes thick composed of rounded fragments of quartz, t, chalcedony, etc., mingled underneath with pieces rounded clay" (Berlandier 1980:334). Chert gravel in the vicinity of the project area is cant in its importance as a source of raw material the stone tools made by the Indian people. Most of stream -worn chert gravels are brown and grey in Environmental Setting 15 color; black and red colors occur in much lower frequencies. Typically, the chert pebbles and cobbles range in size from less than a centimeter to 15 cm in diameter (Nordt 1983:56 -64). Silicified wood that has eroded from local Eocene deposits also occurs on the surface in the project area; some of the pieces are more than 20 cm long. This material was also used by the Indian people to manufacture stone tools. Parker observed silicified wood on the surface during his travels through the region in 1834 and 1835, noting that "it might probably be manufactured into good hones, although it was coarser grained, and of a lighter shade, than those usually found at our stores" (1968:164). LOCAL ENVIRONMENT Archaeological sites are found throughout the Post Oak Savannah, in the bottomlands along rivers and streams, Figure 5. Chert gravel and bedrock outcrops at Lick Creek Park. 16 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County as well as in upland settings a mile or more from permanent water. They are especially common on terraces and gentle valley slopes above tributary streams. The location of the two parks in this survey is on the uplands between the Navasota and Brazos rivers. Both Carter Creek and Lick Creek flow east into the Navasota River. Veterans Park and Athletic Complex Most of the proposed park is located in a flat -lying area on the first terrace above Carters Creek, a perennial tributary of the Navasota River, but a small portion of the park (ca. 20 acres) is within the floodplain (Figure 6). Since mechanical clearing has disturbed much of the park, the native vegetation patterns have been altered. Much of the terrace slope and floodplain, located around the park perimeter, remain undisturbed. Vegetation today consists of bunch grasses, brush, and small trees on the terrace where most of the disturbance took place. Grasses and forbs are found on the terrace tread along with yaupon and an abundance of dewberry bushes. Oak and native pecan woodlands occur on the Carters Creek floodplain, as well as along a minor tributary steam in the northeast part of the property. The park is located on the Yegua geological formation near an outcrop of Quaternary fluvial deposited gravel (Fisher 1981) (Figure 7). The Yegua formation is made up of sandstone, clay, and lignite with some chert. The fluvial gravel in the area consists mostly of chert and quartzite. Most of the park (the terrace) has sandy soils from the Lufkin -Tabor series, which are described as fine sandy loam or loamy fine sand, with the floodplain composed of Gowen clay loam (USDA 1958) (Figure 8). The terrace slope is composed of Edge fine sandy loam (USDA 1958) (see Figure 8). Soils on the terrace tread and scarp have sandy A and E horizons, varying in depth from 10 to 200 cm, and a clayey sand Bt horizon, usually less than a meter thick. The Bt horizon is underlain by stratified, sandy and gravelly alluvium that forms the C horizon. Archaeological materials found in similar settings within the Post Oak Savannah are always confined to the sandy mantle above the Bt horizon. Lick Creek Park Lick Creek Park can be divided into three main landscape types: upland savannah, a floodplain, and Figure 6. Location of the flat terrace and floodplain in the proposed Veterans Park, view to the north. ast cal ial a to ists the es, me lay is see ave 0 to less by the 'lar ays ain and Sew r =laa College Station Parke Planning Pena, ain I Tabor fine sandy loam O'Malley Engineers 1306 N Pork 409) 836 -7937 Brenham, TX 77833 Fox (409) 836 -7936 Explanation Qhg -Quaternary gravel terrace deposits Qal - Quaternary alluvium Qt - Quaternary terrace deposits Mc - Catahoula Formation EOw- Whitsett Formation Em - Manning Formation Ewb- Wellbom Formation Eca - Caddell Formation ® Ey -Yegua Formation Figure 7. Map of geological formations in the area. sandy foam ge ��� Gowen clay loam City of College Station Veterans Park and Athletic Complex Archaeological Survey Environmental Setting 17 Center for Ecological Archaeology I _ Figure 8. Map of the soils present in Veterans Park and Athletic Complex (from USDA 1958). 18 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County PREPARED BY TAMU RECREATION & PARKS DEPT. 0 400 8000 AND PARKS PLANNING/CITY OF COLLEGE STATION z. 41 BZ144 FLOOD P. EJ2 L Al N 418 142 41BZ14 9 LICK CREEK PARK Shovel probe Transect surface survey Cutbank inspection Site boundary Treeline Creek 41BZ141 terraces forming an intermediate border between uplands and the floodplain (Figure 9). The park is drained by both Alum Creek and Lick Creek, whose waters flow into the Navasota River. Lick Creek Park is mainly located on Quaternary alluvial and fluvial deposits of clay and gravel, but some of the park is on the Manning Formation composed of clay and sandstone (Fisher 1981) (see Figure 7). The soil in the uplands of the park is a Lufkin fine sandy loam; the terraces are made up of Tabor fine sandy loam or loamy fine sand; the floodplain of the park is a Gowen clay loam (USDA 1958) (Figure 10). The park itself is a preserved section of a natural Brazos County landscape that has not been heavily used for farming or ranching. Much of the information about the vegetation in the park was compiled by personnel in the Department of Biology Herbarium at Texas A &M University and is available on their website (Reed 2000). The vegetation in the upland savannah varies with the amount of woody growth. Oak, elm, and native pecan trees with an understory of yaupon make up the vegetation in the upland woods (Figure 11), while ( 418Z147 4» f 0 104 1•4 R �» I N T E ra-ACE S ,41BZ145 ODE PRAM Figure 9. Map illustrating the landscape types present at Lick Creek Park. 41E2146 prickly pear and little bluestem inhabit small, natural clearings scattered throughout the timberland. Larger open areas are characterized as sandy prairies (Figure 12). These prairies retain their natural vegetation and are filled with brushy and little bluestem. The sandy prairies also contain an abundance of lily and iris family plants such as yellow star grass, blue -eyed grass, wild onion, copper lily, spring beauty, and false garlic; all these plants have nutritious bulbs or corms that are known to be food sources for Native Americans. Because of their use as pasturage and possibly some agriculture, invader species such as bitterweed, Crown capitatus, and silver -leaf nightshade are also present. Leading to the floodplain, the terrace slopes of Lick Creek and Alum Creek support both upland and lowland trees and plants (Figure 13). The floodplain forest contains trees and plants more suited to a wetter environment, such as water oak, cedar, elm, and orchids. It is dissected by small rivulets, old channels, and oxbows that hold water during the wet season and occasionally year round (Figure 14). Sedge meadows occur in the wettest parts of the floodplain and consist er and dy y wild ;all are ans. me. ton nt. Lick and lain etter and els, and ows nsist LICK CREEK PARK PREPARED BY TAME RECREATION & PARKS DEPT. AND PARKS PLANNING/CITY OF COLLEGE STATION •-/ v kf\> /7% dow0 ies Soils 0e.) 4,85.2CK PRARIERD. ,, 4 0 (' ite"' ts: Lufkin Series Soils Tpkos Series SOTS Environmental Setting 19 .4; Figure 10. Map of the soils present in Lick Creek Park (from USDA 1958). WASTEWATER TREATMENT PLANT & PARK MAINT.AREA 20 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County +t r Figure 11. Upland vegetation characterized by dense understory, Lick Creek Park. ks. Y Y y � 3 � f 4 Figure 12. Sandy prairies, Lick Creek Park. Environmental Setting 21 Figure 13. Terrace vegetation, Lick Creek Park. Figure 14. Floodplain vegetation with standing water, Lick Creek Park. 22 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County of an open carpet comprised almost entirely of Cherokee sedge shaded by water oaks and cedar elms. The type soil profile for Lick Creek Park is best illustrated along Alum Creek, as seen in Figure 15. This profile shows thin, sandy A and E horizons underlain by a stratified C horizon of silty sand that was alluvially deposited. The sandy sediments cover a 2Bt horizon composed of clayey sand. A variation of this profile can be seen along Lick Creek and in Figure 16. A thinner sandy mantle covers a Bt horizon of clay. Both of these profiles are typical in the upland areas of the park and along the creek edges. The sandy Figure 15. Soil profile at Alum Creek. mantle can vary from 10 to 130 cm. Archaeologic material in the uplands will be confined to the sandy mantle above the Bt horizon as has been shown in similar settings within the Post Oak Savannah. The Bt horizon is usually underlain by a layer of gravel and sandstone bedrock. Along the terrace edges, the sandy mantle and Bt horizons become thinner and as the terrace drops down to the floodplain, natural outcrops of sandstone and chert cobbles, both prime materials used by Native Americans, occur. The soils in the floodplain consist of alluvial clays and silts that potentially contain buried archaeological sites. Figure 16. Soil profile at Lick Creek. 3 Cultural Setting Alston V Thorns and J. Bryan Mason Lick Creek Park and Veterans Park are located within the Post Oak Savannah, which has been a travelers' crossroads for thousands of years due to its prime location on the landscape. Thorns (1993) argues that, because of its location as a multicultural/multiethnic crossroad between the forest and grassland, this area has special research potential. In order to provide a cultural context for evaluating the archaeological resources in the project area, selected aspects of the regional ethnohistorical and archaeological records are reviewed here. This chapter draws heavily from a previous overview of regional ethnohistory and archaeology in the Post Oak Savannah by Thorns (1993). The availability of ethnohistorical and archaeological records affords the opportunity to study the diversity of hunter - gatherer prehistoric land -use systems, as well as elements of more recent agro- industrial systems. More detailed information about past land -use patterns and cultural history in the Post Oak Savannah and adjacent regions is available in reports by Black (1989), Davis et al. (1987), Fields (1995), Honea (1961), Johnson (1989), Kenmotsu and Perttula (1993b), Kotter (1982), Patterson (1995), Perttula (1993a, 1993b, 1993c, 1995), Perttula et al. (1993), Peterson (1965), Prewitt (1974, 1985), Prikryl (1993), Rogers (1992, 1993, 1995a, 1995b), Shafer (1977), and Story (1985, 1990). These reports also include discussions about paleoclimates, technological changes, and cultural influences from the eastern Texas Pineywoods and the central Texas Hill Country. ETHNOHISTORIC ACCOUNTS Native peoples lived and traveled along a broad corridor of trails that traversed Brazos County and the vicinity, connecting the Pineywoods of eastern Texas with the Hill Country of central Texas and the comparatively dry areas of southern Texas. In the 1690s, the Spanish followed some of the same trails on their way to and from the major agricultural villages in eastern Texas occupied by the Tejas and other Indian groups. The Camino de los Tejas is generically used here, in reference to both the crossing at the Brazos River near the mouth of the Little River and the route crossing near the northern boundary of Brazos County, which follows the San Antonio or String Prairie. These roads, part of the Caminos Reales corridor, connected the eastern Texas missions near present -day Nacogdoches with missions in the vicinity of San Antonio (McGraw 1991; McGraw et al. 1991). The route crossing the Brazos River near the mouth of the Navasota River was known as the La Bahia Road; it connected the eastern Texas missions with the southern Texas missions near present -day Goliad (Williams 1979). For our purposes, the importance of these roads is that Europeans who traveled them often recorded their observations about the indigenous peoples they encountered in the Post Oak Savannah. Figure 17 provides a more detailed view of the pathways that were followed by several of the Spanish expeditions that passed through Brazos County. Ethnohistorical Accounts of Hunter - Gatherers Ethnohistorical data from the central and southern parts of the Post Oak Savannah reveal that indigenous peoples encountered by the Spanish lived in the uplands, along the valley slopes, and in the bottomlands (Foster 1995; Thorns 1993). In different seasons of the year, they are known to have lived in encampments with hundreds of people. At other times, only a few families camped together, and at still other times, a 23 In: Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County: Archaeological Investigations of Two City Parks - Veterans Park and Athletic Complex and Lick Creek Park - College Station, Texas, edited by J.P. Dering and J.B. Mason, pp 23 -39. Technical Report No. 4. Center for Ecological Archaeology, Texas A &M University, College Station. 24 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County - de Le6n 1690 Tern de los Rios 1691 reran de los Rios 1692 Raman 1716 - - -- Alarcon 1718 — • — Aguayo 1722 .,Il�ullll\ North 0 10 20km 0 5 10mi BRYAN • \ Veterans 'i io Park `c 3 • CO XI cn � 9 COLLEGE to ETC STATION ,ice Lick Cre ki Figure 17. Location of Spanish roads passing through Brazos County. family camped alone. Houses were typically pole - supported and covered with brush, mats, or hides, and were large enough to comfortably accommodate a family. In June 1716, near present -day Cameron in the lower Little River basin, members of the Ramon Expedition visited a large temporary village inhabited by at least 500 and possibly as many as 2,000 hunters and gatherers who were probably there to hunt bison. They represented several groups, including the Yerbipiame (also spelled Yeripiano), Pamaya, Payaya, Cantonae, Mixcal, Xarame, and Sijame people (Foik 1933:16; Tous 1930:17). Many of these people were native to present -day southern Texas and northern Mexico, and among them were both gentiles and Christianized Indian apostates (A.J. McGraw, personal communication 1992; Foik 1933:16; Newcomb 1961). Soon after crossing the Brazos River below the mouth of the Little River, the expedition came upon an "abandoned rancher a or village" situated in a clearing surrounded by an "open forest of oaks" (Tous 1930:17). In the uplands, between the Brazos and Navasota rivers, Ramon met several Texas [Tejas] men and women who were "killing bison" (Foik 1933:17 -18; Williams 1979:152). Father Pena, a member of the 1721 Aguayo expedition, first reported seeing abandoned Indian huts (possibly a farming village) in June as he was traveling between the Brazos River and Navasota River. A little farther to the east, but still in the uplands between the two rivers, the expedition "came upon some old huts, sheltered by very tall and beautiful trees" (Forrestal 1935:32 -33). A short distance after crossing the Navasota River on July 8, the Marquis of Aguayo, the expedition's leader and the Spanish governor of Texas and Coahuila, and several of his men turned south "to search for huts of Texas Indians" reported to be in the vicinity: Leaving the highway [the Camino de los Tejas used by previous expeditions] and following a path, these went south three leagues until they came to some fields planted in the Texas [Tejas] fashion. As they did not notice any huts, they called out in the language of the natives, and a response came back from the direction of the woods ...The soldiers ad- vanced to the aforesaid huts, which were nearby, and observed there were assembled with all those of the Rancheria Grande some Indians of the Vidays and Agdocas tribes [groups culturally similar to the Tejas people] (Forrestal 1935:35). After visiting with about 200 men, women, and children, the Spanish Governor "admonished" the Rancheria Grande people "to retire to their old homes beyond the Brazos de Dios [Brazos River]" (Forrestal 1935:36). The region beyond the Brazos de Dios refers to the lower Little River basin and the general region around the confluence of the Brazos and Little rivers. Although bison were important food animals in the Post Oak Savannah during the late 1600s and early 1700s, there is little archaeological data to suggest they were equally important in pre- contact times. Deer seem to have been especially important game animals throughout most archaeological time periods in the inner Gulf Coastal Plain (Thorns 1993; see also Chapter 2). Ethnohistoric sources suggest that bison were not present in the Post Oak Savannah in any significant number during the early 1500s. Cabeza de Vaca, one of the Spaniards who survived a shipwreck and starvation to live and travel among the coastal and inland groups of Texas (Trinity and San Jacinto basins) for several years in the late 1520s and early 1530s, reported seeing bison only a few times. From Cabeza de Vaca's perspective, deer and roots were the most iyo uts ing the the uts, stal the the xas "to the and ' the Ames estal efers gion avers. as in early they seem mals n the lapter re not ficant a, one and 11 and asins) 1530s, 'abeza most important wild food resources among the peoples he encountered in the Post Oak Savannah: These people are invariably good archers and well formed...Two or three kinds of root com- prise their basic diet, and they dig for them anywhere for a distance of two or three leagues. Digging for them is hard work...The roots have to be roasted for two days, but many still stay bitter. Occasionally, these Indians kill deer [antelope] and take fish...The women work very hard and protractedly. They get only six hours rest out of twenty-four, spend- ing the wee hours heating the ovens to bake roots. They begin digging at daybreak and hauling wood and water to their houses, etc. [Covey 1993:79]. Compared to the coastal and southern Texas regions where he also lived and traveled, the Post Oak Savannah was root -rich, deer - moderate, and fish- and cactus -poor (Thorns 1996). It seems likely that the food- resource productivity potential and general land use practices that can be inferred from Cabeza de Vaca's accounts were also characteristic of the hunter - gatherers who lived in the vicinity of the city parks during the Late Prehistoric period. Historical Transition Period Ethnohistoric data reveal that Indian people routinely traveled through and lived in the uplands, along the valley slopes, and in the bottomlands. The early Historic period journals attest to the general importance of deer; the wide variety of wild roots, berries, and fruits, and the abundance of fish in the rivers and bottomland lakes is also often noted (see Chapter 2). While fish are frequently mentioned, St. Denis, writing in 1717, was one of the few early historic figures to state clearly that fishing was an important element of the regional land use patterns (cited in Davis et al. 1987:201). Journals from the late 1600s and early 1700s report that Texans (i.e., the Tejas people) practiced agriculture in the uplands between the Navasota and Trinity rivers, and that there were extensive fields along the lower terraces and in the bottomlands of the Trinity River. None of the sources `reviewed here reports agricultural fields near the mouth f the Navasota River or in the uplands between the avasota and Brazos rivers. Large groups representing ethnically different pulations often camped along the Brazos River and Cultural Setting 25 in the uplands between the Navasota and Trinity rivers during part of the summer. It seems likely that during these times bison were locally abundant and readily available. Seasonal population aggregations involved groups that were considered native to Brazos County and vicinity, plus groups previously native to northern Mexico, to regions far north of the Red River, and to areas east of the Sabine River (cf. Davis et al. 1987). By the time of the earliest entradas, the ethnic make- up of this part of present -day Texas was already a by- product of expanding Old World immigrant populations in the woodlands of eastern North America and the plateaus of the southern part of the continent (Murry 1992). From the late 1600s to the early 1800s, expanding Spanish and Mexican populations in the south put pressure on the native inhabitants of Texas. Directly and indirectly, this pressure pushed hunter - gatherers from northern Mexico and southern Texas into the Post Oak Savannah country. After about 1820, the pressure came from the expanding Anglo- American system, largely fueled by the number of enslaved African- Americans. Native horticulturalists in east Texas were pushed west and southwest, beyond the productive agricultural areas and into competition with local hunter - gatherer groups. Within a single lifetime, almost all of the native people of the region had been assimilated, squeezed out, or had died from European- introduced diseases. In any case, the land -use systems of the hunter - gatherers and simple agriculturalists were no longer viable. Davis et al. (1987) note that although the regional ethnohistorical record mainly covers groups who recently migrated to the Post Oak Savannah, the records are still useful in constructing land -use models because the nature and distribution of natural resources was probably more important in conditioning settlement and subsistence patterns than any one group's ethnic affiliation. From this premise, they argue that the ethnohistoric record for the Post Oak Savannah illustrates that the hunter - gatherer land -use system was that of "collectors," wherein family groups resided in seasonal base camps, and from there undertook logistical forays to procure more distant resources (cf. Binford 1980). In all probability, Old World diseases significantly decreased the regional population density long before the first organized entradas (Ewers 1973; Murry 1992). One way or another, this probably led to a net increase in habitable space. The unoccupied or under - occupied but potentially productive areas probably would have been settled quickly by displaced groups who were 26 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County "moving on," perhaps as an adaptive response to demographic factors such as extra - regional population growth or in- migrations. Within a few decades after the initial depopulation by Old World diseases, and continuing until the 1870s, the impact of the horse was increasingly felt as mounted hunter - gatherers expanded south from the Plains and effectively compressed previous Indian homelands into and within the western Gulf Coastal Plain (Prewitt 1985; Story 1990). Mounted groups may have been preceded by bison - hunting foot nomads who, by about 700 B.P., appear to have begun to displace local, less specialized groups. Local groups were possibly further displaced by less mobile hunter - gatherer groups who had "appeared" in the region about 1350 B.P., during the Austin phase ( Prewitt 1985:225 -228). Archaeological data have also been used to support the contention that sometime between 10,000 and 8,000 B.P. populations from the eastern woodlands, or "plains interlopers," expanded into what today are known as the cross timbers and Savannah ecological areas of east and central Texas (Johnson 1989). The inner West Gulf Coastal Plain is an area where important research about the relationship between ethnicity and the archaeological record, focusing on cultural influences, migrations, population expansion or other factors related to demographics and cultural or ethnic differences, should be carried out (Krieger 1948; Story 1985; see also Chapter 2; also cf. Binford 1986; Sackett 1986; Wiessner 1983). What role, if any, population pressure had in the long -term regional population dynamics remains to be explored systematically. It seems likely, however, that there are many facets to population pressure, especially considering that it depends partly on the landscape's productivity potential (cf. Cohen 1977, 1989:140-141). At one time and under one set of environmental conditions, population pressure might exert its effects on forest foragers, at another time on horticulturalists, and at still other times on specialized bison hunters, whether foot or mounted nomads. How we find evidence for population pressure in the archaeological record is yet another matter, just as is how we might recognize archaeological evidence for in- migration or external influences, and how to distinguish it from evidence of local or regional population growth. How we might provide the evidence for adaptational differences resulting from long -term changes in environmental conditions is another question yet to be resolved. Historic records show that the project area was within an important interregional crossroads that, within the span of only a few hundred years, was occupied by several culturally and ethnically distinct populations (Murry 1992). It is also evident that exotic (i.e., extra - regional) goods and ideas regularly accompanied travelers and traders as they traversed the region. The pattern of ethnic diversity continued in the historic period with settlement by Hispanics, Anglo- Americans, African- Americans, and other Old World groups. Written records and historical research indicate that to some extent land -use patterns probably vary with cultural and ethnic affiliations (cf. Carlson 1993a, 1993b; Carlson and Kloetzer 1993; Carlson and Thorns 1993; Davis et al. 1987; Weissner 1983). Efforts have also been made to find ethnic "signatures" in the archaeological records of hunter - gatherers and agro - industrialists, and there has been considerable discussion about just how one may demonstrate ethnic affiliations (e.g., Binford 1986; Carlson 1993a, 1993b; Carlson and Thorns 1993; Sackett 1986; Weissner 1983). As a cultural and ethnic crossroads, the archaeological record in the Brazos River basin portion of the Post Oak Savannah zone has considerable potential to yield information useful in the study of ethnically distinctive material culture and land -use patterns during the prehistoric and historic eras. INDIAN GROUPS LIVING IN OR NEAR THE BRAZOS VALLEY The diversity of cultures present in the Brazos Valley is evident in the ethnohistorical accounts of early European explorers in the area. Many of the Indian groups noted in ethnohistorical literature regularly made the Brazos Valley their homes during prehistory, while others were recent immigrants to the area, having been pressured to leave their traditional homes by Europeans or other Indian groups. One reason that many Indian groups are known to have been near the Brazos Valley is the presence of the Rancheria Grande. An Ervipame chief, Juan Rodriguez, founded Rancheria Grande in the early eighteenth century. Located on the San Gabriel and Little Rivers, Rancheria Grande became a gathering place for many Indian groups that were displaced by Europeans or Apache /Osage raids. Each group encountered by the explorers had a unique culture that was evident to the Europeans. Although many accounts may be tainted with the writer's bias, the Europeans did provide helpful guides to understanding prehistoric life in the Brazos Valley. was inct otic irly rsed s ued tics, Old arch Ably lson and 83). res" and able hnic ?3b; sner the Lion a ble y of f-use illey arly than arly tory, v ing s by that r the ode. ►ded fury. H ers, zany is or ad a ,ans. the tides dley. In this section, the cultures of some of the groups mentioned by Europeans as they traveled through this area are discussed. Information about Indian groups in Texas has also been compiled by a number of researchers for entry in The New Handbook of Texas (Tyler 1996), which can also be accessed via the Internet. Bidai. The cultural affiliations of the Bidai are difficult to determine. Europeans encountered them between the Trinity and Brazos rivers in southeast Texas. They have been associated with the Caddo, Atakapa, and Orcoquiza Indian groups. The Bidai were a hunter - gatherer group and de Mier y Teran (Jackson 2000:61) notes that they claimed to be the only native Texans. Although the Bidai are not usually associated with farming, de Mier y Teran encountered a large mound attributed to them which suggests that they were semi - sedentary (Jackson 2000:74). Caddo. The term Caddo refers to a group of twenty - five affiliated groups living around the Red River in Texas, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Oklahoma. The Caddo are related to the Fourche Maline or Woodland Period culture groups that settled in small communities and developed farming and pottery. Crops raised include tropical cultigens (corn, squash, and later beans) and certain native 'plants such as maygrass, amaranth, chenopods, and sunflowers. Although corn was probably the most important food source, the Caddo also hunted deer, buffalo, and smaller animals. Europeans divided the Caddo into groups: the Hasinai, Kadohadacho, and Natchitoches confederacies. "The Hasinai groups lived in the Neches and Angelina River valleys in East Texas, the Kadohadacho groups on the Red River in the Great Bend area, and the Natchitoches groups on the Red River in the vicinity of the French post of Natchitoches (Fort St. Jean Baptiste aux Natchitos), established in 1714" (Perttula 2001). Caddo culture was very complex and included a hierarchical social structure, elaborate ceremonial practices, and extensive trade. The Caddo lived in dispersed villages with grass and cane covered houses throughout northeast Texas. Small hamlets surrounded larger villages, which were based around a large civic - ceremonial center. "These centers had earthen mounds used as platforms for temple structures for civic and religious functions, for burials of the social and political elite, and for ceremonial fire mounds" (Perttula 2001). Cultural Setting 27 Cantonae ( Cantona). The Cantona Indians were a hunting and gathering group that lived throughout east central Texas between the Guadalupe and Trinity rivers. "They were most frequently reported along the Colorado and Brazos rivers, where their skill and success in bison hunting were often mentioned" (Campbell 2001a). The Cantonas traveled with many of the other Indian tribes in the region and, for that reason, have been linguistically and culturally affiliated with the Coahuiltecans, Tonkawa, and Witchita. Cenis. The Cenis were encountered by the La Salle expedition between the Brazos and Trinity Rivers. They were most likely associated with the Caddoan tribes and were primarily farmers. The Cenis lived in small villages of about 70 people, each associated with agricultural fields. The Cenis fed Europeans with sagamite (a porridge of cornmeal boiled in salt water), beans de bresil (beans of a reddish -brown color), boiled corn bread, bread made of parched cornmeal and nuts baked in the cinders, and another bread made with nuts and sunflower seeds. Joutel also noted that the Indians of this group had tattoos (Foster 1998:210). Cherokee. The Cherokee were a large agricultural tribe located throughout the southeastern United States including parts of Virginia, Tennessee, North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama. Lipscomb (2001a) suggests that the Cherokee probably originated further north because of their migration legend and use of an Iroquoian language. They called themselves Ani- Yunwiya, which means the "Principal People." Cherokee society was based on an elaborate social, political, and ceremonial structure in which towns, made up of thirty to forty households, were the basic political unit. Matrilineal clan identity was also an important part of Cherokee life. Regional councils made public policy decisions for the members of a group of towns. Lipscomb (2001a) describes the houses as "square or rectangular huts constructed of locked poles, weatherproofed with wattle and daub plaster, and roofed with bark." In the early 1800s, many Cherokees moved west into present -day Missouri, Arkansas, and Texas. Cherokees in Texas settled along the Red River and requested permission from the Spanish government to settle in northeastern Texas. Another group of Cherokees led by Chief Bowl settled first on the Three Forks of the Trinity River, near present day Dallas in 1820. They also asked for permission to stay in Texas and were supposedly granted land from the Mexican 28 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County government. By 1830, the Cherokee population of Texas was approaching 400 and, again, they were granted land to live on, this time by the newly founded rebel Texas government. Although Sam Houston seemed willing to finalize the deal, the treaty was never ratified. Mirabeau B. Lamar, on the other hand, wanted the Cherokees removed from Texas "peaceably if they would; forcibly if they must" (Lamar quoted in Lipscomb 2001a). Commissioners were appointed to pay the Cherokee for the land; however, they decided to fight instead, spurring what is known as the Cherokee War. The Cherokee were eventually driven across the Red River into Indian Territory. Chickasaw. The Chickasaw is a Muskogean- speaking tribe from the American Southeast including land now in Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama. They are seminomadic, mixing hunting and horticulture for subsistence. The Chickasaw moved west in 1830 due to pressure from European settlers. They asked permission from the Mexican government to settle in Texas and, although they were denied, some families did settle near Nacogdoches along the Attoyac and Patroon rivers. With the establishment of a Choctaw- Chickasaw confederation in the late 1830s, the Texas Chickasaws joined their tribesmen in Indian Territory. Ervipame. The Ervipame was a hunter - gatherer group living in northeastern Coahuila and associated with other Coahuiltecan speakers. At least some Ervipame moved into east central Texas due to population pressures and began what came to be known as Rancheria Grande. Campbell (2001b) notes that their cultural identity seems to have been lost and that they may have merged with a Tonkawan group. Karankawa. The Karankawa were a group of hunting, fishing, and gathering tribes living along the coast of Texas between Galveston and Corpus Christi Bay. They regularly traded fish, seaweed, sea beans, shells, feathers, shark teeth, oyster shell knives, and scrapers with the people of the interior for maize, hides, sandstone, flint, ceramics, red ochre, deer hair tassels, and stone beads (Himmel 1999:17). The bulk of their diet consisted of aquatic animals such as fish, turtles, and shellfish, supplemented with plants and land mammals. The Karankawa were a highly mobile people, traveling over land by foot or along the coast in canoes. Houses were portable and consisted of a willow frame covered with reed mats or animal skins (Lipscomb 2001b). Early explorers were amazed at the number of body tattoos displayed by tribe members. De Mier y Teran notes that the Karankawa were dispersed and exterminated by European settlers (Jackson 2000:152). Kickapoo. Originally from the Great Lakes region, wars split the tribe into three groups based in Kansas, Oklahoma, and south Texas and northern Mexico in the mid- eighteenth century. Nunley (2001) notes that the remaining group in Texas, which numbers between 625 and 650, is one of the largest groups of Kickapoo Indians and that they have successfully preserved much of the traditional Kickapoo way of life. Cultural elements that have been preserved include an emphasis on the extended family, an informal educational process, a semi - nomadic lifestyle, an informal government that exists along with a recently (1937) imposed formal government, their native language, and religion. Today the Kickapoo in Texas are recognized as citizens of both Mexico and the United States and have been granted land in both countries. Meyeye (Mayeye). The Mayeye was a Tonkawa Indian tribe first encountered by the La Salle expedition and known as the Meghey. They lived between the Colorado River and the Brazos River probably near Austin and Washington counties. Small groups of Mayeye were also reported further north near Temple, along the coast living with the Coco Indians, a Karankawan tribe, and further west near the mouth of the Guadalupe. It is assumed that the Mayeye lost their specific culture, merging with other tribes in those areas (Campbell 2001c). Mixcal (Mescal). The Mixcal was a hunter - gatherer group that lived in northern Coahuila and ranged as far north as the Edwards Plateau. This tribe is known to have spoken a Coahuiltecan language. Some of this group migrated to the northeast and eventually joined with other tribes at Rancheria Grande. Their name comes from the mescal plant from which they collected root crowns for food. Palaquechare (Palaquesson). This tribe lived between the Brazos River and the Trinity River near Grimes County. They have been associated with the Hasinai branch of the Caddoan tribes. Joutel mentions that although they are a mobile group of hunter - gatherers, they would, at certain times, plant corn and Sij lin or Tej sp to wo the eve Me To hu hav sev and the In 18 Co de in X tha so are Ltd at hers. were tiers ;ion, isas, Ain that ween 1poo wch Ural lasis Dnal mal )37) and ized and awa Lion the near s of �ple, s, a h of lost lose Drer ias )wn this ned line .ted 4ed fear the ons ter - and beans (Foster 1998:183 -184). This is important as the western-most evidence of agriculture in Texas. Pamaya. The Pamaya Indians were a hunting and gathering tribe recorded by a deserter of the La Salle Expedition, Jean Jarry, as Panaa, "between the Rio Sabinas and the Rio Grande in what is now northeastern Coahuila" (Campbell 2001d). In 1716 they were seen west of the junction of the Little and Brazos rivers at a rancherfa with many other Indian groups. Although they may have spoken a Coahuiltecan language, their actual linguistic affiliation is unknown. Payaya. The Payaya Indians were a Coahuiltecan- speaking group of hunter - gatherers who originally ranged an area that extended from San Antonio, southwest to the Frio River and beyond. A group of Payaya Indians is known to have settled at the Rancherfa Grande. Sijame. The Sijame was a hunter - gatherer tribe whose linguistic affiliation may have been either Tonkawan or Coahuiltecan. Some Sijame were noted at Rancherfa Grande. Tejas. It is generally understood that Tejas was not a specific tribe, but a term used by the Caddoan groups to refer to themselves and their allies or friends. The word itself was applied to the northeastern reaches of the Spanish government in the New World and eventually became the name of a state under the Mexican government. Tonkawa. The Tonkawa were loosely affiliated, small hunter - gatherer tribes whose original range seems to have been in the high plains (Carlisle 2001). In the seventeenth century they lived in north central Texas and southern Oklahoma, but moved further south into the Post Oak Savannah due to pressure from other Indian groups (Foster 1998:51; Himmel 1999:7). By 1820 they were seen near the north edge of Brazos County (Himmel 1999:7). Their houses have been described as the traditional teepee, unless bison were in short supply, then houses were made of grass (Himmel 1999:7). Xarame. The Xarame was a hunter - gatherer group that spoke a Coahuiltecan language and lived in southwestern Texas and northeastern Coahuila. They are also known to have been present at Rancherfa Grande. Cultural Setting 29 ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE A wide variety of archaeological sites have been recorded in this part of the Brazos River basin, and, while there are only a few radiocarbon ages on the cultural remains, it is reasonable to conclude that the region has been occupied for the last 10,000 years or more (Bowman 1985; Haywood and Waters 1990; Roemer and Carlson 1987; Shafer 1977). Large -scale archaeological surveys, some accompanied by test excavations, have been conducted in the following areas: (1) the middle Yegua Creek basin, where Somerville Reservoir was subsequently constructed (Honea 1961; Peterson 1965); (2) the Gibbons Creek basin, prior to beginning coal mining operations (Fletcher 1980; Rogers 1991, 1992, 1993); (3) the lower Navasota River basin, where a series of reservoir projects was planned (Kotter 1982); and (4) the Walnut Creek basin, in anticipation of coal mining operations (Bement and Utley 1992; Davis et al., 1987). Moore (1989) provides a review of more than a dozen archaeological investigations in Brazos County. Most of these studies were conducted in upland settings during the 1970s and 1980s, and many of the survey projects resulted in the discovery of low- density scatters of lithic artifacts. Locations of the sites discussed in this chapter can be found in Figures 18 and 19. Consistent with the ecotonal setting of Brazos County as a whole, the two city parks lie near the intersection of three archaeological study regions that compose the Texas Historical Commission's "Eastern Planning Region" (Kenmotsu and Perttula 1993a): (1) the southeastern region, with its northern border near the Camino de los Tejas; (2) the northeastern Texas region, to the east and across the Trinity River; and (3) the Prairie- Savannah region. Table 3 provides a summary of extensive and intensive archaeological excavations in the central Post Oak Savannah. In Brazos County alone, there are now more than 140 officially recorded archaeological sites, representing every major cultural period of the historic and prehistoric eras. Among the designated site types attributed to Indian populations are the following: multicomponent sites, temporary field camps, limited activity sites, lithic scatters, lithic and ceramic scatters, and cemeteries. Chipped -stone debitage and tools, fire - cracked rock, and ceramic sherds are the most common artifact types. The Late Prehistoric (ca. 1,300 -300 30 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County B.P.), Transitional Archaic (ca. 2,300 -1,300 B.P.), and Late Archaic (ca. 3,000 -2,300 B.P.) time periods are best represented, although projectile points characteristic of the Middle Archaic (ca. 4,500 -3,000 B.P.), Early Archaic (ca. 8,000 -4,500 B.P.) and Paleoindian (ca. 11,200-8,000 B.P.) periods are present as well (time period designations from Turner and Hester 1985). Table 3 summarizes the cultural characteristics of these time periods. Paleoindian (ca. 11,200 -8,000 B.P.) Paleoindian sites are not common in the Post Oak Savannah but, when they are found, they typically occur along the "lower slope components of upland interfluves close to small streams" (Rogers 1995a:11). Diagnostic point types for this time period include Dalton, San Patrice, Angostura, and Folsom. Points and other tools are made of locally available chert usually found in streambeds. Projectile points representative of the Paleoindian period have been recovered from Brazos County and surrounding counties (Collins and Bousman 1993; Fields 1995; Fields et al. 1993; Perttula 1995). The most intensive archaeological fieldwork in the vicinity of the project areas has been for the Gibbons Creek Lignite Mine Project located in western Grimes County (e.g., Rogers 1992, 1993, 1995a). Site 41 GM 166, recorded during excavations undertaken on the Gibbons Creek project, contained a Late Paleoindian component with Dalton and Angostura points. The Late Paleoindian component was buried by Archaic and Late Prehistoric components. Although sandstone hearth features were found at this site, it was noted that bioturbation in the sandy sediments had disturbed the site so that features could not be associated with the Late Paleoindian component. Faunal and floral preservation tends to be poor at many of the upland sites, such that archaeological assemblages largely consist solely of chipped -stone artifacts and fire- cracked rocks from cooking features. Most sites of this period represent short -term encampments by several families of hunter - gatherers. As noted earlier, deer provided the bulk of the meat diet throughout the Paleoindian period. Archaic (ca. 8,000 -2,300 B.P.) The Archaic period in the central Post Oak Savannah is usually split into Early, Middle, and Late Archaic subperiods. Sites from the Early and Middle Archaic are rare in the entire Gulf Coastal Plain, however, Late Archaic sites are plentiful (Story 1990:213). Site Ali .■:.. ■■■:.■. OIDO CALDWELL o o� Millican Project Survey • Archaeoloaical Site 115 � Co ) G) Di Veterans O t rn �. Park' N 116 75 9. MILLIGAN Lick Creek Park Figure 18. Previous archaeological excavations discussed in the text. 166 • 281 stratigraphy is poorly preserved in most sites, but several were found to contain isolated Late Archaic components along the landforms adjacent to tributary stream floodplains (Fields et al. 1993:71). Point types diagnostic of Early and Middle Archaic occupations include Hoxie, Gower, Bulverde, and Pedernales. Late Archaic sites can be identified with points such as Pamillas, Gary, and Kent. Late Archaic sites are associated with the poorly cemented sandstone hearths that became more popular in the Early Ceramic period. The Late Archaic is also known as a transitional period from a nomadic lifestyle to a more sedentary lifestyle. Cemeteries found in Austin, Wharton, and Fort Bend counties indicate that people spent more time in one place (Hall 1981; Copas 1984; Walley 1955; Vernon 1989). Long distance trade has also been documented for this time period (Hall 1981). Transitional Archaic (ca. 2,300 -1,300 B.P.) In comparison to the middle part of the Archaic, this period is marked in the uplands by a substantial increase in the frequency of sites with significantly denser accumulations of artifacts and food remains. Most archaeologists interpret this pattern as evidence E. pr " 1r71 15 yr g O . r! �+ y 5' CD 0 g �G' VWi CD Vii H �C C7 • F Site Tyyppee " r. 1i storic 0 1 2 3 km Prehistoric ' Figure 19. Map of the locations of previously recorded archaeological sites within 9.5 km of the two parks. The circles indicate 9.5 km boundaries, while the numbers indicate sites and their respective locations. 32 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County Table 3. Selected characteristics of archaeological cultures for the central Post Oak Savannah region (data compiled from Rogers 1993, 1995a, 1995b). TIME PERIODS SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CULTURES Paleoindian Diagnostics: Dalton, San Patrice, Angostura, Folsom projectile points Pre-8,500 B.P. Population/Site Density: not discussed for this period (pre-6,500 B.C.) Site Locations: lower slope component of upland interfluves close to small streams, and most sites mixed with later period material Subsistence: highly mobile groups hunting within large areas, similar to that found in later Archaic cultures Early Archaic Diagnostics: split stem dart points similar to Gower, Martindale, Uvalde; also 8,500 to 4,500 B.P. Angostura, Hoxie, Golondrina, Bell, Baird, Wells, San Patrice, Dalton, Meserve, (ca. 6,500 to 2,500 B.C.) Plainview, and Lerma points; other tools include pitted stones, hammerstones, and hand -sized mans; burned -rock features also present Population/Site Density: increase in population based on an increase in burned rock Site Location: lower slope component of upland interfluves close to small streams Subsistence: loosely structured nonspecialized hunting and gathering; deer are clearly present Middle Archaic Diagnostics: expanding stem dart points Big Sandy, Evans, Williams; corner - 4,500 to 2, 600 B.P. notched points Marshall and Pedernales; other points Carrollton, Wells, Travis, (ca. 2,500 to 600 B.C.) Bulverde, Yarbrough, Calf Creek; Clear Fork Gouge; burned -rock middens; grinding stones Population/Site Density: continued growth in population density Site Locations: lower slope component of upland interfluves close to small streams Subsistence: move to nut harvesting and processing, increasingly specialized, may include some bison (based on the presence of corner - notched points); regional interaction increasing Late Archaic Diagnostics: contracting stem dart points Gary, Kent, Wells; expanding stems 2,600 to 1,250 B.P. Palmilas, Ensor, Ellis, Edgewood; other points Dart, Marshall, Marcos, (600 B.C. to 700 A.D.) Castroville, Frio; sandstone hearth features Population/Site Density: increased population and site density; more sites than during any other period; migration of plains people into region; population peak Site Locations: sandy knolls and other high terraces along perrenial streams, restricted and local in nature Subsistence: exploitation of environment away from major rivers; walnut, soft - shell turtle, beaver, possibly bison and more reliance on deer, less mobile gathering TIME PERIODS SELECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL CULTURES Early Ceramic (Post Archaic) 1,250 B.P. to 950 B.P. (A.D. 700 to 1000) Late Prehistoric 950 to 350 B.P. (AD. 1000 to 1600) Table 3. Continued. Cultural Setting 33 Diagnostics: arrowpoints Scallorn and Bonham; dart points primarily Gary and Kent; introduction of ceramics, primarily sandy -paste bowls and jars, sonnetanes incised or punctated, Goose Creek Plain, Leon Plain, and Doss Redware; hearth features also found Population/Site Density: not discussed for this period Site Locations: sandy knolls and other high terraces along perennial streams; restricted and local in nature Subsistence: regionally oriented hunting and gathering (no change in settlement pattern); hickory, walnut, pignut, deer, raccoon, tortoise, bison, and fish; no evidence for long -term settlements that might support horticulture Diagnostics: Gary dart points; Perdiz, Bonham, and Alba arrowpoints; ceramics (mostly grog - tempered) Hickory Fine - Engraved, Dunkin Incised, Holly Fine - Engraved; hearth features Population/Site Density: population increase (higher artifact density); infusions from adjacent regions Site Locations: not discussed for this period Subsistence: primarily hunting (especially deer) and gathering 34 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County for the onset of increased sedentism (Perttula et al. 1993). There is a documented overall decrease in land - use activities that resulted in low artifact density, short- term (e.g., a few weeks at most) encampments, and an increase in the frequency of sites with high artifact densities indicative of longer occupation terms. The Transitional Archaic period is marked by the introduction of ceramic technology and the use of Scallorn and Bonham points. Kent and Gary dart points are also found at sites from this time period. Ceramics from this time period fall into the Goose Creek or Leon categories and usually have a sandy paste with some incised decorations (Story 1990; Rogers 1995b). As its name implies, the Transitional Archaic period is manifested in the Prairie- Savannah, central Post Oak Savannah, and Southeast Texas archaeological study regions as a transitional period containing aspects of both Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric cultures in many sites. Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric sites in the Gibbons Creek basin show clear evidence of subsistence and lithic procurement activities. Projectile points, thin bifaces, and end - scrapers attest to the importance of hunting- related activities. Evidence of plant food processing comes in the form of pottery fragments and features containing an abundance of fire- cracked rock. The fire- cracked rock features are not usually associated with pits. Prikryl (1993) noted that Transitional Archaic sites were most common in the Prairie and Savannah regions to the north and northwest of Brazos County. Late Prehistoric (ca. 1,300-300 B.P.) The Late Prehistoric time period is associated with an increase in the number of sites and population density. It has been argued that this trend may be a representation of better preservation rather than a true representation of population dynamics. There is, however, evidence for an increase in long term campsites that were revisited, including those with residential structures. Point types common during this time period include Gary dart points and Bonham, Alba, and Perdiz points. An increase in ceramic technology is also noted, with many ceramic types emerging and an increased use of grog, bone, and shell tempering. Decorated pieces become more common and decorations are more intricate. In some areas of the Post Oak Savannah, trade with agriculturalists such as the Caddo has added different ceramic vessels to the assemblage. Trade also added agricultural products to the subsistence base for some people living in the Post Oak Savannah. For the most part, however, subsistence patterns in the Late Prehistoric did not change much from the Archaic. A high number of points at many sites indicates that hunting remained important and was supplemented by gathering wild plant foods. Bison are known from ethnohistorical accounts to have been popular game for people living in the area during the latter part of this time period, although there is only limited archaeological evidence for this claim (Fields 1995:319; see also Chapter 2). PREVIOUSLY RECORDED SITES NEAR VETERANS PARK AND ATHLETIC COMPLEX AND LICK CREEK PARK In keeping with the land -use perspective as well as for heuristic purposes, it is useful to characterize and analyze archaeological sites according to their placement on the landscape. Sites in similar settings probably afforded access to similar resources and, generally speaking, they are expected to have been subjected to similar site formation processes (cf. Butzer 1982; Jochim 1976; Waters 1992). For our purposes, the regional landscape is subdivided into three physiographic settings: bottomlands, valley slopes, and uplands. Sites in the Bottomlands Most of the bottomlands are encompassed by the floodplain, as delimited by the zone of periodic flooding (Nordt 1983). Throughout the bottomlands in the local basin, there are and probably always have been high spots that were seldom inundated. These are the kinds of places favored as campsites through the millennia, while regularly flooded localities were routinely used when conditions permitted. Other things being equal, site preservation is expected to be good in the seasonally flooded places where the rates of sediment deposition were comparatively rapid. As the major component of the riverine zone, bottomlands afford the best access to the greatest diversity and abundance of potential food resources (Hester 1989). Fish, shellfish, beaver, bear, rabbits, and deer should have been especially abundant, as were pecans, other nuts, and most berries and fruits. It is likely that a substantial proportion of the edible root foods in the region grew well in bottomlands, but reliable information on the relative productivity potential of vegetal foods in different parts of the landscape is lacking altogether. Some information on the productivity potential of game animals is available. For example, the highest deer population densities in the Post Oak Savannah, about 200 animals per 1,000 hectares (ca. 2,500 acres), are expected to be in the bottomlands (Yantis 1984). There are historic accounts of bison in the bottomlands as well, but except for those times when grasses dominated the bottomlands, bison densities were probably highest in the prairie patches along the valley slopes and in the uplands (see Chapter 2). The earliest, albeit tentative, evidence for occupation of the Post Oak Savannah comes from the Duewall- Newberry site (41BZ75), where the remains of a disarticulated mammoth were recovered (Steele and Carlson 1989). The remains, presumably Late Pleistocene in age (ca. 12,500-10,000 B.P.), were found eroding from a steep cutbank (7.5 m below surface) of the Brazos River several kilometers upstream from the mouth of the Little Brazos River. Although chipped stone was not recovered during excavations, impact scars and breakage patterns on several long bones, as well as the presence of a bone pile, were considered to be strong inferential evidence for human activity (Steele and Carlson 1989). A variety of stone tools and several pieces of pottery were recovered during excavations at Winnie's Mound (41BU17) located in the bottomlands of east - central Burleson County (Bowman 1985). Paleoindian points, including Plainview and San Patrice, as well as early Archaic points, including Hoxie, Bell, and various stemmed, indented -base forms, were found, as were Darl, Lange, Edgewood, Ensor, Frio, Gary - Kent, Marcos, and Yarbrough types representative of the middle or late Archaic periods. Scallorn points and ceramics indicate occupation during the Late Prehistoric period. Other bifaces, edge- modified flakes, and cores were also recovered, along with thousands of pieces of debitage that were analyzed according to flake type and material type. Faunal remains were abundant, but most were too poorly preserved for identification to family or genus. Eleven of the 15 identified fragments were deer, three were turtle bones and one was a beaver tooth. The Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric components were associated with cemeteries (Bowman 1985). Site 41BU16, located along the Burleson County side of the Brazos River, yielded a wide range of artifacts that represented occupation from the Middle Archaic through the Late Prehistoric periods (Roemer and Carlson 1987). Bulverde, Yarbrough, Fairland, Gary, Kent, Darl, Alba, Perdiz, and Scallorn points Cultural Setting 35 and pottery fragments were recovered. Other stone artifacts included various biface forms, edge - modified flakes, hammerstones, and cores. More than 10,000 flakes were analyzed according to size, flake type, and evidence of thermal alteration. Faunal remains were sparse and poorly preserved, but bison, deer, rabbits, turtles, fish, freshwater mussels, and possibly turkeys were represented. At different times, the site was also used as a cemetery (Roemer and Carlson 1987). Several radiocarbon ages were obtained on charcoal from archaeological sites in the bottomlands, but most of these were obtained during geomorphological studies from features exposed in the river's cutbanks and the results of the related archaeological analysis are not yet available. Two sites in Brazos County yielded 14 C ages indicative of occupation during the Late Paleoindian and Early Archaic time periods. An age of 8,390 ±330 B.P. was obtained on a mussel shell feature containing chert flakes (Haywood and Waters 1990). Charcoal from a similar feature exposed farther downstream yielded an age of 6,480 ±110 B.P (M.R. Waters, personal communication 1992). A site near the mouth of White Creek yielded Scallorn and Perdiz points and a radiocarbon age of 880 ±50 B.P. (M.R. Waters, personal communication, 1992). The few radiocarbon ages obtained from features exposed in the river's cutbanks and the geomorphic studies illustrate that use of the bottomlands spans the Holocene and probably the last part of the late Pleistocene as well (Haywood and Waters 1990; Nordt et al. 1992; Waters 1993; Appendix A). These features also attest to a stratified and well - preserved archaeological record. Sites such as 41BU16 and 41BU17, with artifact -rich deposits containing a wide range of tool types and faunal remains as well as cemeteries, suggest that for the last 3,000 years there were fairly long -term encampments in the Brazos River bottomlands. Projectile points, other thin bifaces, and tools indicative of hide processing are comparatively abundant, indicating that hunting was a major subsistence activity. While faunal data are too limited for reliable conclusions, the available information is consistent with the concept that deer probably provided the bulk of dietary meat, as has been suggested for adjacent parts of central Texas (Black 1989). Sites in the Uplands Uplands, as used in the context of this report, are that part of the landscape beyond the valley walls or slopes 36 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County of a river. Uplands comprise hills, divide ridges, and cuestas, as well as tributary valleys containing permanent and intermittent streams. Because much of the uplands lie in zones of net erosion, site preservation potential is lower than in the bottomlands; however, sites are likely to be buried in alluvium in some of the larger valleys and elsewhere by aeolian and colluvial processes. The two parks are located in upland environments in or near the tributary valleys of creeks. The results of the surveys (see Chapter 6) are comparable to the results of other surveys in this type of landscape, especially the White Creek survey. Food resources in the uplands are probably less abundant and less diverse than those in the bottomlands or along the valley slopes, although in some places (e.g., tributary valleys) the productivity potential per unit area may have been as high as in the bottomlands. In general, root foods are expected to be locally abundant in meadows and prairie patches (cf. Thorns 1989) and should have been readily available in the uplands. The mosaic character of the oak woodlands and prairies certainly afforded good deer habitat. Many, if not most, of the accounts of Indians hunting bison in the region take place in the uplands. Judging from the general structure of the available resources, hunting is expected to have been especially important in the uplands. Projectile points characteristic of the Late Paleoindian and Early Archaic time periods (ca. 10,000 -4,500 B.P.) were recovered from a surface context at the Thurmond site, located in the uppermost part of the Thompson Creek basin within the city limits of Bryan, Texas (Shafer 1977). Temporally diagnostic point types from these sites include Plainview, Meserve, Scottsbluff, Angostura, miscellaneous lanceolate points characteristic of the Paleoindian period, and various stemmed, indented -base Early Archaic types. Other tool types from the site are a perforator, thin bifaces, gouges, small end scrapers, and grooved pebbles (Shafer 1977). A corner - notched arrow point was also recovered from one part of the site (H.J. Shafer, personal communication 1992). There are also lithic scatter sites in the uplands that have a much lower artifact density and fewer tool types than the Thurmond site. Some areas have such a low density of debitage that they are not recorded as sites (e.g., Moore 1989). In other places, excavations reveal that artifacts are also buried at shallow depths, but there, too, the densities are low. An example is 41BZ74 (Richard Carter site), a site located in the uppermost part of the Carters Creek basin (a secondary stream in the lower Navasota River basin), just over the low divide with the Thompson and White Creek basins. It was tested to assess a mid- nineteenth century Anglo- American homesite, however, a sample of chipped -stone artifacts was recovered during excavations and subsequently analyzed (Carlson 1983, 1987). The very low density of chipped stone (37 items in 95.25 m test units: 33 flakes, two cores, one scraper, one biface fragment) was argued to represent short- term foraging activities, possibly "manufacture of expedient flake tools, and/or raw material procurement and some food processing; in other words, occasional exploitation of widely scattered upland resources" (Ensor 1987:79). Four sites (41BZ114 -117) previously recorded along White Creek were located on the tops and slopes of low ridges. These sites had a low density of chipped stone debitage on the surface and, in several cases, flakes were recovered from shallow shovel probes. Only one chipped stone tool — a thin biface fragment from 41BZ112 — was observed in the narrow survey area that stretched for several kilometers along the creek (Whitsett and Jurgens 1992). Limited testing at 41BZ115 and results of additional survey work along White Creek suggest that the paucity of tools is an inherent characteristic of these particular White Creek sites and that a very limited range of activities, mostly lithic procurement and tool manufacture, is represented (Clabaugh 1993; Dickens 1993; Olive 1993). Of the four White Creek sites in an upland setting, 41BZ115 had the densest scatter of chipped stone material and was recommended for test excavation (Whitsett and Jurgens 1992). Test excavations revealed that the cultural material usually extended no more than 20 cm below surface to the top of the clay -rich Bt soil horizon. Although features were not encountered in any of the 11 excavation units, approximately 100 flakes, five cores, and six edge - modified, "expedient" tools were recovered. The primary activity at the site seems to have been the initial stages of tool manufacturing, but some of the expedient tools were probably used there as well, and the few pieces of fire - cracked rock might represent some type of food preparation (Dickens 1993; Olive 1993). In terms of understanding how Indian people used the upland landscape in the White Creek basin, the most salient ecological characteristic is the cobble - sized chert gravel scattered along the ridge tops and slopes. Almost everywhere natural gravel was found on the surface, along with chipped -stone artifacts made from the gravel. The identified lithic scatters appeared to be components of a widespread, low density lithic procurement and manufacturing area that extends into the uplands beyond the project boundaries. Although reliable chronological controls are lacking, it seems likely that these lithic procurement areas were used throughout the period of Indian occupation (Carlson and Thoms 1993:101 -102). Similar sites have recently been described by Jurgens (2000) in a survey of the Wellborn Special Utility District. Site 41BZ148 is located two kilometers north of Lick Creek Park on a toe slope overlooking Carters Creek. Site 41BZ149 is located just north of Wellborn on a toe slope overlooking Hopes Creek. They are both described as shallowly buried lithic scatters. Artifacts from the sites include an edge- modified uniface, biface fragments, and secondary and tertiary flakes. Well- preserved Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric period sites in the Gibbons Creek basin show clear evidence of subsistence activities and lithic procurement. Projectile points, thin bifaces, and end - scrapers attest to the importance of hunting - related activities. Pottery fragments and features containing an abundance of fire- cracked rock, most of which is not associated with pits of any kind, may be evidence of plant food processing. Almost all of the radiocarbon ages from well - preserved features in the Gibbons Creek basin post -date 2,000 B.P. (Rogers 1991, 1992, 1993, 1995a, 1995b, personal communication 1993). Judging from information reviewed here, the uplands were used extensively as hunting grounds, and, where gravel occurred, as source areas for lithic raw materials. Plant foods, including berries, nuts, and roots, were probably exploited as well but to date there is little supporting archaeological evidence. While many of the known sites in the uplands evidence only a limited range of activities, several sites have been interpreted as base camps used mainly during the hunting season(s). Sites are surprisingly well preserved and are deeply buried where rates of sediment deposition are comparatively high (e.g., colluvial aprons, fans, and floodplains). The types of projectile points recovered from the sites suggest that the uplands were used throughout the established period of the region's human occupation, but that more of the hunting - related occupations appear to have taken place during the last three thousand years than during the preceding millennium. Before assigning behavioral significance to this kind of ostensible pattern, however, the effects of natural and cultural site formation processes must be better understood, including the thousands of projectile points that have been removed from the uplands by private collectors. Sites on the Valley Slopes Cultural Setting 37 Valley slopes occupy the space between the uplands and bottomlands. In Brazos County, valley slopes are formed mainly by the treads and scarps of Pleistocene terraces, but also by the eroded edges of Eocene formations (i.e., bedrock) adjacent to and overlooking the bottomlands. As slopes in general tend to be unstable, and rates of deposition are slow on the treads of ancient terraces, most archaeological sites are likely to have been subject to considerable pedoturbation. Vegetation patterns and the immediate availability of natural resources resemble the uplands more than the bottomlands, but proximity to the bottomlands means ready access to the riverine and floodplain resources as well. In other words, the ecotonal setting of the valley slopes afforded the opportunity to exploit two different ecosystems (cf. Odum 1971). Sites 41BZ112 and 41BZ113 are located near the mouth of White Creek on the tread of Terrace 2, where it is capped by a veneer of colluvium from the adjacent valley slopes (cf. Waters 1993). A few pieces of debitage were seen on the surface at both sites, but the only observed tool — a thin biface fragment — was at 41BZ112 (Whitsett and Jurgens 1992). Test excavations at 41BZ112 yielded from three to 39 flake and flake fragments per 0.1 m but the excavation units yielded only edge - modified flakes and the mid- section of a biface. A point fragment was found on the surface during the testing phase. Artifacts were recovered from as deep as 0.9 m below surface; however, neither features nor lenses of artifacts were observed in any of the backhoe trenches or test pits, and there was considerable evidence of pedoturbation and bioturbation (Olive 1993). Based on the results of the lithic analysis, the initial stages of stone tool manufacturing are well represented at 41BZ112, and the use -wear patterns on some of the edge - modified tools indicate they were used for cutting and scraping. The small quantity of fire- cracked rock and the single point fragment are also suggestive of food preparation and hunting - related tasks (Dickens 1993). Three small interior chert flakes were observed on the surface of 41BZ105, a "small prehistoric lithic scatter" located on the tread of a low Brazos River 38 Prehistoric and Historic Occupation in Central Brazos County terrace about a kilometer from the mouth of the Little Brazos River. None of the shovel probes yielded cultural material (Bond 1991:9). Farther upstream along the Thompson Creek basin, but still in the valley slope section, there are two low- density lithic scatters — 41BZ87 and 41BZ88 — on "sandy knolls adjacent to the creek bottom;" neither site yielded temporally or functionally diagnostic tools (Bond 1991:6). Low - density lithic scatters are also on the low "sandy ridges" farther down Thompson Creek (e.g., 41BZ31), but there are sites that appear to represent more intensive or repeated occupations of the valley slopes. At 41BZ32, for example, San Patrice, Bulverde, Gary, Kent, and Ensor points were found, as were gouges and sandstone net weights (Bond 1991:6). Site 41BZ1 also yielded a wide variety of artifacts on the surface (Collins 1955). The "site" is actually a set of localities in close proximity, with each component on a separate remnant of one of the terraces that forms the lower valley slopes. Locality 6 occupies a remnant of Terrace 1 and contained several dozen decorated and undecorated sand - tempered pottery sherds in addition to a variety of chipped -stone tools and debitage. Locality 5 occupies a fairly flat surface between the Terrace 2 scarp and the tread of Terrace 1. In addition to two undecorated, sand - tempered sherds, a stemmed scraper and drill were collected along with several arrow and dart points, including Alba, Gary, Kent, Yarbrough, Pedernales, and Bulverde types. Localities 1 -4 yielded the same kinds of artifacts, as well as sherd and shell- tempered pottery, Perdiz, Scallorn, and Bonham/Alba arrow points, Travis/ Mon dart points, blades, knives, and a thumb scraper (Collins 1955). Previously recorded sites along the valley slopes vary from those with a low density and range of artifact types, suggesting limited activities, to sites with much higher artifact densities and a greater range of artifact types, indicative of more diverse and intensive land use. Compared to the uplands and bottomlands, relatively little work has been conducted at valley slope sites, but the results suggest that lithic procurement and hunting were important activities, as they were everywhere else in the Brazos and Navasota River basins. The kinds of projectile points indicate only that occupation occurred throughout the Holocene. Too little work has been done to detect meaningful patterns. Yet, it is interesting that of the eight sites with temporally diagnostic artifacts, six have Late Prehistoric components, as evidenced by arrow points or pottery sherds. Sites within 9.5 km of Veterans Park and Athletic Complex and Lick Creek Park Review of the archaeological site files at the Texas Archaeological Research Laboratory in Austin reveals that 15 historic, 49 prehistoric, and six multi - component (historic and prehistoric) sites have been recorded within 9.5 km of the two parks (see Figure 19; Appendix A). Some of the historic sites (41BZ92 and 126, 41 GM 146, 147, 148, 152, 153, and 154) closely resembled the historic sites recorded during the present survey (see Chapter 5). At sites 41BZ92 and 126, historic artifacts, but no features, were found. At sites 41GM147,152, 153, and 154, historic artifacts as well as features such as cisterns, foundation piers, and chimney falls were found. Remnants or remaining structures were recorded at 41 GM146 and 148. All of these sites are recorded as turn of the century or early twentieth century homesteads. Site 41BZ102 is located on the proposed Veterans Park property. This site is a prehistoric "campsite" that was discovered by a private citizen during the infilling of the pond on the property. William Moore recorded the site, but indicated that it was most likely highly disturbed by earth moving activities (W. Moore, personal communication 2000). Conversations with Mr. Walter Schuster, who discovered the site, indicate that the site was located just to the north of the location of 41BZ136, near the southern corner of the old pond, although CEA employees observed no evidence of the site. Artifacts observed by William Moore at the site included a beveled knife, "Caddoan- like" pottery sherds, and an unidentified arrow point (W. Moore, personal communication 2000). Recently, employees of the CEA examined artifacts collected by Walter Schuster from this site. In addition to the artifacts mentioned by Moore, Perdiz points were recorded. From this information, the site fits into the Late Prehistoric period. Prehistoric sites of interest include 41BZ25 -27. All three of these sites were found along the terrace edge overlooking the floodplain of the Navasota River. Each site was identified by a surface survey and was separated from the other sites by a gully in the terrace. This is similar to the prehistoric sites found at both Lick Creek and Veterans Park and Athletic Complex (see Chapter 5). Artifacts at these sites included flakes, biface fragments, ceramic fragments, one arrowpoint, and one dart point. Site 41BZ130 is a prehistoric site just south of Carters Creek approximately 4 km upstream from the proposed location of Veterans Park. This site was found on the terrace edge overlooking Carters Creek in sandy soil. The site consists of a low density artifact scatter represented by two flakes and a beveled, possibly Archaic, dart point (Moore 1999). CONCLUDING COMMENTS From a review of the general nature, distribution, and chronology of archaeological sites, it is reasonable to infer that Indian peoples occupied the bottomlands, valley slopes, and uplands of the eastern Post Oak Savannah throughout the Holocene period and during the last part of the late Pleistocene. Lithic procurement and hunting activities are well represented everywhere on the landscape, but we know very little about how the type and intensity of land use may have varied within and between zones. Long -term land -use studies remain to be undertaken, but one gets the impression that the Late Prehistoric period is better represented than the preceding time periods. If confirmed, the Post Oak Savannah pattern would be in contrast to the pattern for the Edwards Plateau portion of central Texas where there are significantly fewer Late Prehistoric sites and projectile points compared to the Late or Transitional Archaic period (Black 1989; Prewitt 1985). Several of the previously recorded sites near the two parks are known to contain buried cultural materials (see Appendix A). Although buried cultural deposits are common throughout the uplands in the Post Oak Savannah, few of the sites appear to be well preserved. However, well - preserved features are found in upland, valley slope, and bottomland settings, but Cultural Setting 39 all too little attention has been given to understanding the formation processes that account for the preservation of features in a few places and the paucity of in situ deposits in many other places (Thoms 1995). Although geomorphic processes, including erosion and pedoturbation, are widely recognized as having adverse effects on site preservation in the Post Oak Savannah and adjacent regions, these effects remain to be adequately defined, qualified, or quantified (cf. Black 1989; Story 1990; Thorns 1995). We do know, however, that cook -stone raw materials needed to build earth ovens and hearth grills — primarily sandstone —are available, as are quartzite cobbles especially useful in stone boiling (Thorns 1993). This leads us to expect to find cook - stone features in the project area. We also know that it is not always easy to identify these features because they are often impacted (i.e., partially disarticulated) by natural site formation processes, especially along slopes such as those along Carters and Lick Creeks. Problems in identifying these features are also likely to occur because of difficulties in distinguishing between naturally occurring chunks of reddish - colored sandstone and slightly redder fire- cracked rocks made from local sandstone. Furthermore, pedogenic processes, especially those related to leaching of the well- drained soils on the valley slopes, are likely to remove carbon and oxidation stains on the sediments that might otherwise define pit features. As such, it may be difficult to distinguish between "leached" hearths and ovens on one hand, and on the other hand, piles of used stone - boiling rocks that are not likely to have been directly associated with carbon or oxidation stains.